Feb. 6, 2007 - Tensions between the United States and Iran, seldom below simmering, are reaching boiling point in Iraq. It started with a U.S. military raid on a Baghdad compound linked to Abdul Aziz Hakim, the leader of Iraq's largest parliamentary bloc, last December. The soldiers detained two suspected Iranian agents, but released them later when it was proven they had diplomatic passports. That was followed up with another American raid on an Iranian office in the Iraqi Kurdish city of Erbil in mid-January. Another five suspects were arrested and are still being held. And on Sunday, Jalal Sharafi, the second secretary at the Iranian embassy, was kidnapped in a commercial district in central Baghdad by a group of armed men wearing Iraqi military uniforms and driving SUVs. The Iranians blame the U.S. military—which has denied any involvement—for Sharafi’s disappearance "These forces are under the supervision of the Americans, so we hold them responsible," an official at the Iranian embassy in Baghdad, who asked not to be identified for security reasons, told NEWSWEEK.
U.S. officials say Iran is actively supporting armed groups in Iraq and helping with attacks against Coalition forces, a charge that Tehran has rejected. The two sides may not be talking but they're only a stone's throw away from each other in Baghdad: the Iranian embassy is just a short distance from the infamous Assassin's Gate, one of the entry points into Saddam Hussein's former palace that is now a checkpoint into the Green Zone. NEWSWEEK visited the embassy on a recent chilly morning. Gunfire crackled nearby, but the embassy grounds, which have been used by Iran for more than 80 years, seemed far removed from the violence outside: a lush garden with well-manicured lawns and trimmed palm trees surround the building. Statues of two Persian warriors, cut from stone, flank the main doorway of the embassy. Hassan Kazemi Qomi, Iran's ambassador to Iraq, discussed Tehran’s role in Iraq and whether Iran is helping to carry out attacks against U.S. soldiers in Iraq, in a wide-ranging 70-minute interview with Babak Dehghanpisheh. Excerpts:
NEWSWEEK: President Bush recently said that he had signed off on an order for the American military to confront or even kill [suspected] Iranian agents, in Iraq. What's your reaction?
Hassan Kazemi Qomi: We aren't surprised by Bush's comments. Of course, he later corrected these comments. He said it wasn't [his] intention that they should kill Iranians. It's good that he corrected his statement. For the government of America it's not a good thing—a responsible leader shouldn't make such statements against another country.
Do you have contacts with armed groups in Iraq? Either Shia or Sunni?
One of the most important roles we can play is protecting and helping Iraq in securing its borders. Iran is ready to help complete their defensive and security structures. To help with issues of training, equipment and transfer of intelligence. Iran has a lot of experience in this area. Tehran at the beginning [of the Islamic Revolution in 1979] had more than 200 assassinations a day. The Islamic Republic was able to secure the capital with the participation of the people. Now, this is something we can see in Iraq itself. People's committees, or lijan shaabi, are slowly entering into the security process. So in the agreements that we've had, forming a joint security committee has come up in the sense that I've pointed out—if it's linked to the government's work. That's why a diplomatic committee from a security branch came here and started their research work. It was within these parameters that they came and were arrested by the Americans [in December.] But they were freed after nine days. Whether the Americans were sending a signal to the Iraqis—that they don't want other parties working on the security portfolio outside of their supervision—is a point that has now come up.
Has the security committee you mentioned been formed officially?
Agreements were reached. As I said, the diplomatic team from the security branch had come for this when we encountered the problem [of the arrests].
So the people who were arrested in December were security officials?
They were diplomats from the security branch.
Were the others arrested in Erbil also security officials?
They had nothing to do with security. They had no work outside of consular work. The views that have been expressed—that there were documents, that we were helping terrorists and [with the] transfer of weapons, and the things that American leaders announced—we say if there is proof they should show it. For America this was really an inappropriate act. And later it was announced that this action was undertaken by orders of the president. An attack on a consulate that had been established in a legal way within the parameters of cooperation. So we hope they are freed as soon as possible.
American military officials have said that Iranians may have played a role in the recent attack in Karbala, where American soldiers were kidnapped and shot. What's your reaction to this?
We don't have a role in any of these kinds of actions. And these accusations, from our standpoint, should be condemned. The Americans have announced they're investigating this incident and I'm sure they will find who is responsible for this. But we shouldn't forget one point, and that is that the root of the security crisis is the [American] occupation. And the second point—that Americans are the ones carrying out unilateral actions. The reason that the security crisis doesn't get resolved goes back to these two fundamental points. The solution to the security crisis in Iraq is to give the security portfolio back to the government of Iraq.
What kind of military or security help have you given Iraq? Have you given training or weapons?
The role that the neighboring or regional countries of Iraq can have in solving Iraq's problems is a very significant role. [They can help] control the borders [and] build up the security and military structures of the new Iraqi government [because] the security and military structures of the previous government crumbled. [We can help] with training, equipment, weapons and transferring experience in security, [and] pass on intelligence information to battle terrorism. Iraq's longest border is the border with Iran. If you look at Iraq's security problems, the safest border Iraq has today is the border with Iran. It shows that Iran, in helping secure borders, can have a very constructive role—fighting smuggling and so on … Iran is filling in that role [on the border]. We want a secure and stable Iraq. An insecure Iraq will become a base for terrorism. This base can spread destructive operations outside the borders of Iraq. Insecurity in Iraq can also be used as an excuse to continue the presence of foreign troops in Iraq.
Before you came to Iraq you were posted to the Iranian consulate in Herat [Afghanistan.] Did you meet [U.S. Ambassador] Zalmay Khalilzad there?
In Afghanistan, I didn't have any contact with Mr. Khalilzad.
So you don't know Khalilzad personally?
I never had any personal or work relationship with him.
Have any of the other representatives of the embassy in Baghdad had contact with Khalilzad?
No. We haven't had communication with American officials. And no relations between the two embassies.
How about informally, through Iraqi officials?
The Americans have passed on their messages through Iraqi government officials. They've said what they wanted. And it's not something secret. It was announced. The Islamic Republic of Iran has been willing to examine constructive proposals that will help solve the crisis in Iraq. And the leaders of Iraq want this. They say that if these problems are solved the foreign military troops will leave Iraq and we would like them to leave.
Who did the Americans use to pass messages?
It was done in a transparent way. It was the president [Jalal Talabani] [and Shiite leader] Mr. [Abdul Aziz] Hakim.
What kind of messages did they pass on to you? Warnings from the American military?
They didn't give us any kind of ultimatums through the Iraqi leaders. For Iran, ultimatums aren't really the way to make something happen. We've got a transparent policy in Iraq. A policy that's got the interests of the people of the two countries in mind and the interests of the region.
Iran has a very long border with Iraq. In the past few years, have you ever had any sort of confrontations or skirmishes with the American military?
There's no problem worth mentioning. But the thing to remember is this: the borders of the two countries are the responsibility of the two governments. We won't accept the authority of any government except the government of Iraq. The presence of foreign troops on the border is completely unacceptable. With regard to controlling and securing the border, it's going to be between us and the government of Iraq. We're eager to start a joint border committee so we can secure the border in a good and complete way. Which we've been able to do so far. And the evidence is that among those arrested as foreign terrorists [inside Iraq] there isn't a single Iranian. Of course this also shows that the support of both the Iranian government and the Iranian people is with Iraq—despite all the accusations [from Americans].
What kind of economic aid has Iran given Iraq?
We have divided our policy with regard to Iraq into three categories: help with the political process, help with security and help with reconstruction. We have a shared culture and religion and ancient ties between our people. The Iranian and Iraqi society is intermixed. Iran has the shortest, most stable and secure transit route for Iraq. Iran also has the experience of reconstruction after war. Iran can supply the Iraqi market. The goal of the leaders of the two countries is to expand cooperation. The role of Iran in reconstructing this country can be a serious role. To help facilitate reconstruction, we want to start financial institutions here. Good agreements have been signed with the Iraqi government. In the days ahead our first bank will probably open.
Which banks?
Bank Melli. [And] Bank Keshavarzi and Bank Sepah are in the initial stages. It’s also worth noting that there are three private banks that have expressed interest and submitted applications for working here. They may operate independently or as joint ventures. We also have a readiness for insurance companies. Under the current situation the risk of investment is high, [so] there is a possibility that our insurance companies can work here.
Do you have exact figures for the aid the Iranian government has given the Iraqi government for reconstruction?
We have signed good cooperation agreements. For example, extending credit of $1 billion with very good terms. One of the biggest issues in Iraq, under the current conditions, and if we want reconstruction to begin, is the issue of energy—oil, electricity. We've started help in the electricity sector. Our electric network is linked to the Iraqi network. We're transmitting 150 megawatts. This is in the central part of the country, from Qasr e Shirin to Khaneqin. The second point is our readiness to help reconstruct the power plants. These are things we are studying and hoping to move to the execution phase. We're looking at joint oil wells. And also constructing oil pipelines. Fuel needs like liquid gas, kerosene, gas-oil, petroleum, are being provided from Iran today. A good amount also transits through Iran.
American military officials have accused Iranian agents of supplying technology for "shaped charge" explosives to militants in Iraq. This was an explosive that Hizbullah used in Lebanon.
If this was the case it would have become known. I pointed out before, that we suffer if there's insecurity in Iraq. The Islamic Republic of Iran plays a protective role. After the fall of the regime, Iran was the first country to recognize the Iraqi government. Many people criticized us and said this is an American government. We said no, these are the same leaders from the opposition. We want security and stability. We want a popular and strong government.
What is the relationship of the Iranian government or its representatives with [Shiite leader Moqtada al-Sadr’s] Mahdi Army? American officials say Iran is passing weapons to militant groups.
We have repeatedly said: give us the proof. With regard to the accusations that Iran is supplying weapons or supporting armed groups, if there is any evidence then show this evidence. Why do they keep repeating these accusations? The government of America has 150,000 troops here. It has its security and intelligence services in Iraq. And there are other services who are helping them. If Iran was involved in actions against Americans, they should have discovered the evidence. We're against any action that adds to insecurity here, whether in Baghdad or Basra.
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