Showing posts with label Ethiopia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ethiopia. Show all posts

Wednesday, May 2, 2007

Move over CIA. The FBI tortures, too.

Published on Tuesday, May 01, 2007

Guest Opinion: FBI outsourced dirty work to secret Ethiopian prisons
While we have been awash in news stories about the firing of U.S. attorneys, Don Imus and the Virginia Tech horror, how many Americans know that the FBI and, to a lesser extent, the CIA have been interrogating suspected terrorists in secret prisons in Ethiopia? An ally in our combating terrorism, Ethiopia is also notorious for abusing prisoners, including torturing them. Among those held recently there is an American citizen.

On April 5, the Associated Press reported that Ethiopia was under pressure "to release details of detainees from 19 countries ... including women and children (who) have been transferred secretly and illegally. An investigation by the Associated Press found that CIA and FBI agents have been interrogating the detainees."

As John Sifton, a deeply experienced researcher at Human Rights Watch said on the national Democracy Now radio and Internet program (April 5), these suspects would previously have been held as enemy combatants at Guantanamo Bay or the Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan. But "the Bush administration has shifted gears, and now they have the FBI interrogating people ... by local forces, the Ethiopians, the Kenyans ... That's why we call it a sort of outsourced Guantanamo." These interrogations purportedly are to weed out al-Qaida conspirators and cells in the Horn of Africa.

U.S. citizen imprisoned

The American prisoner, Amir Mohamed Meshal of Tinton Falls, N.J., held since late January, was questioned several times by FBI agents - as American officials admit - without being charged and without having a U.S. consular official present, or an attorney. But Meshal has a very active and properly indignant attorney in Jonathan Hafetz of the Brennan Center for Justice at New York University. On April 2, he wrote to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice demanding she get the Ethiopian government to release his client. Also, writing to Rice was Rep. Rush Holt, D-N.J., about his constituent, Amir Meshal:

"Our government," Holt told Rice, "cannot allow an American citizen to be held by the Ethiopian government in violation of international law and our own due process." As of this writing, Rice has not replied to the congressman.

Fortunately, Holt is chairman of the House Select Intelligence Oversight Panel. I expect that in addition to finding out why his constituent was outsourced to Ethiopia, the congressman will also ask FBI Director Robert Mueller, CIA Director Michael Hayden and other high-level intelligence officials why they have been directly responsible, in this case of an American citizen, for working with the Ethiopian government to violate international law - and the very basis of our system of justice, due process. (If they are not directly responsible, who's running their shops?)

It also would be very useful - and indeed necessary - if our rule of law is to have credibility at home and in the world - to find out from the president and Dick Cheney how they justify this outsourcing of an American citizen to an Ethiopian dungeon.

Meanwhile, what's happening to American citizen Amir Meshal? In a dispatch from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on April 12, The Washington Post quoted FBI Special Agent Richard Kolko, who "confirmed that there were no charges against Meshal, and State Department officials said the FBI told them that no charges were pending." So, Meshal was set to be released from the secret prison and flown back to the United States where, unlike in Ethiopia, every citizen is guaranteed due process of law.

Not so fast. The same Washington Post story revealed that Meshal is still imprisoned. (As of this writing, he remains in his cell.) Why? "State Department officials booking his flight discovered that his name had been placed on a no-fly list at the request of the FBI and no airline would take him, U.S. officials said."

Secret military tribunal

Then, on Friday, April 13, Amir Meshal did get out of that lockup - to be hauled before an Ethiopian military tribunal. The New York Times on April 14 added: "No news media or members of the public were allowed at the hearing (before the military tribunal), and American officials said that they, too, were barred from attending. Ethiopian officials did not disclose details. Ethiopian Foreign Ministry officials said they were not authorized to talk about it."

Last year, the president said that no one was still being held in CIA secret prisons although they remain open, as permitted by the Military Commissions Act of 2006. On what authority has - as reported by the Washington Post - "the FBI carried out interrogations of dozens of detainees in Ethiopian secret prisons"?

What about American citizen Amir Mohamed Meshal of Tinton Falls, N.J.? Has his citizenship been suspended?

Nat Hentoff, a nationally renowned authority on the First Amendment and the Bill of Rights, wrote this column for Newspaper Enterprise Association.

Copyright © The Billings Gazette, a division of Lee Enterprises.

Saturday, April 28, 2007

"The Most Lawless War of Our Generation": The U.S. Sponsored War In Somalia

Related
Massacre in Mogadishu--war crime made in the USA
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Friday, April 27th, 2007
"The Most Lawless War of Our Generation" - FPublishmr. UN Spokesperson on Somalia

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In Somali, fierce clashes in Mogadishu are being described as some of the heaviest fighting in the city's history. Some 329 people have been killed over the past ten days. This comes just three weeks after another series of battles claimed at least 1,000 lives. The United Nations says more people - over 350,000 - have been displaced in Somalia in the past three months than anywhere else in the world. [includes rush transcript]
In Somalia, clashes between U.S. backed-Ethiopian forces and fighters aligned with the Islamic Courts Union in the capital Mogadishu are being described as some of the heaviest fighting in the city's history.

Local human rights workers report at least 329 people have been killed over the past ten days. This comes just three weeks after another series of battles claimed at least 1,000 lives.

The fighting began in December when US-backed Ethiopian forces invaded Somalia. Four months ago today, Islamic fighters abandoned the capital, marking the official fall of the Islamic Courts Union, which had controlled Mogadishu for six months last year.

A humanitarian catastrophe now looms over Somalia. The United Nations says more people have been displaced in Somalia in the past three months than anywhere else in the world. Some 350,000 have fled fighting in Mogadishu since February, more than one-third of its population. That makes the rate of displacement in Somalia over the past three months worse than Iraq. Many of the those displaced are camped on the outskirts of Mogadishu and lack food, medicine and clean water. There is also concern for those trapped inside the capital where more than 600 people have died from acute diarrhea and cholera.

  • John Holmes, United Nations emergency relief coordinator: "There are stocks available in the area. If we can sort out the access problems, if we can step up our presence, in particular if we could achieve a ceasefire in Mogadishu and the surrounding area, then I think we will be able to cope with the problem, with some difficulty. But if the fighting continues at its present intensity, if there is no halt in that, if there is no political progress made, then we could indeed be facing a very serious situation indeed. I think already this is one of the biggest movement of population, displacement of population we've seen this year, in terms of numbers, particularly in terms of comparative numbers, compared to the populations of Mogadishu or indeed of Somalia as a whole, greater in that sense than Darfur or eastern Chad, and the problems there are serious enough."
Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Ghedi said on Thursday his forces were now in control of Mogadishu and the BBC reports for the first time in nine days, gunfire has stopped. Ethiopians and government troops are patrolling the city conducting house-to-house searches as residents collect rotting bodies that had been abandoned in the streets.

The escalating war in Somalia has received little attention in the U.S. media especially on broadcast television. Using the Lexis database, Democracy Now examined ABC, NBC and CBS's coverage of Somalia in the evening newscasts over the past three months. The result may surprise you: ABC and NBC has not mentioned the war at all. CBS mentioned the war once. The network dedicated a total of three sentences to the story.

  • Salim Lone, a columnist for the Daily Nation in Kenya and a former spokesperson for the UN mission in Iraq.

RUSH TRANSCRIPT

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AMY GOODMAN: In Somalia, fierce fighting has killed over 320 people over the past ten days. This comes just three weeks after another series of battles claimed at least a thousand lives. Agence France-Presse described Thursday’s clashes in Mogadishu as some of the heaviest fighting in the city’s history.

The fighting began in December when US-backed Ethiopian forces invaded Somalia. Four months ago today, Islamic fighters abandoned the capital, marking the official fall of the Council of Islamic Courts, which had controlled Mogadishu for six months last year.

A humanitarian catastrophe now looms over Somalia. The United Nations says more people have been displaced in Somalia in the past three months than anywhere else in the world. Some 350,000 people have fled fighting in Mogadishu since February, more than a third of its population. That makes the rate of displacement in Somalia over the past three months worse than Iraq. Many of the those displaced are camped on the outskirts of Mogadishu and lack food, medicine and clean water. There is also concern for those trapped inside the capital where more than 600 people have died from acute diarrhea and cholera.

This is UN relief coordinator John Holmes.

    JOHN HOLMES: There are stocks available in the area. If we can sort out the access problems, if we can step up our presence, in particular if we could achieve a ceasefire in Mogadishu and the surrounding area, then I think we will be able to cope with the problem, with some difficulty. But if the fighting continues at its present intensity, if there is no halt in that, if there is no political progress made, then we could indeed be facing a very serious situation indeed. I think already this is one of the -- the biggest movement of population, displacement of population we've seen this year, in terms of numbers, particularly in terms of comparative numbers, compared to the populations of Mogadishu or indeed of Somalia as a whole, greater in that sense than Darfur or eastern Chad, and the problems there are serious enough.

AMY GOODMAN: Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Ghedi said Thursday his forces were now in control of Mogadishu. The BBC reports, for the first time in nine days, gunfire has stopped. Ethiopians and government troops are patrolling the city conducting house-to-house searches, as residents collect rotting bodies that have been abandoned in the streets.

The escalating war in Somalia has received little attention in the US media especially on broadcast television. Using the Lexis database, Democracy Now! examined ABC, NBC and CBS's coverage of Somalia in the evening newscasts over the past three months. The result may surprise you: ABC and NBC has not mentioned the war at all. CBS mentioned the war once on a Sunday night news broadcast. The network dedicated a total of three sentences to the story.

Salim Lone is a columnist for the Daily Nation in Kenya and a former spokesperson for the UN mission in Iraq. He joins us today from London. Welcome to Democracy Now!, Salim.

SALIM LONE: Thank you for covering Somalia, Amy. As you said, the coverage is absolutely shameless.

AMY GOODMAN: Well, first, Salim, can you describe who the fighting forces are and who's behind them?

SALIM LONE: Well, I mean, the key country there is Ethiopia. Their occupation forces have been there, in fact, long before the actual war began. They came in around September, October. But at the moment, those fighting the Ethiopians and the nominal transitional central government, which is really an absolutely puppet -- it’s quite hapless. In fact, the Ethiopians don't even deal with Somalis that their fighting through the transitional government. They go directly to the elders of the clans to try to negotiate ceasefires. But those fighting them are obviously the Hawiye Clan fighters who dominate Mogadishu. I mean, historically, they're the largest clan in there. But there are also many others, not just Islamists, which is a codeword for terrorists, but there are many Somalis. In fact, most Somalis will not abide this occupation. I mean, this is what is most distressing about this fighting. All fighting is terrible, but you hope in the end something good comes out of it. But in this particular case, it is clear Somalis will not abide the Ethiopian occupation or the government they put in place there. So it is not going to be a successful war for the Somali government, for Ethiopia and, of course, for the US, which is the orchestrator of the whole adventure this time.

AMY GOODMAN: Salim Lone, you're now in London. The British think tank Chatham House criticized the US role in the war. The authors of the report write, “In an uncomfortably familiar pattern, general multilateral concern to support the reconstruction and rehabilitation of Somalia has been hijacked by unilateral actors, especially Ethiopia and the United States.”

SALIM LONE: Well, you know, this is par for the course these days. What they also should have mentioned -- but it’s an excellent report, by the way. I really enjoyed reading it, and I’m so glad they were so candid. But one of the big issues here is not merely the unilateralism of the United States, but the inability of the international community and particularly the United Nations Security Council to try to play, if not an independent role, at least a moderating role. It is quite astonishing that for now three months, there has been terrible violence in Somalia, and yet we have not heard anything from the security council about how this carnage must stop. There is no interest whatsoever.

You know the death toll. I mean, you've given all the details. I don't want to go into it. But let me add that women are being raped, that hospitals are being bombed. This is clearly a huge effort to intimidate and terrorize all those who come from clans who are fighting the government. They want to intimidate the civilians, because most of the death toll is of civilians. So this has been going on, and there has been no call whatsoever for this to stop.

You had Sir John Holmes there. He's a Brit, who -- I don't know him personally, so I cannot speak for him. But clearly, he has been appointed, in fact, by the British to his crucial position as chief of humanitarian affairs.

So we are seeing the Security Council completely silent while these atrocities are going on. We are seeing Western governments completely silent. Nothing has come out of Washington. Nothing has come out of London. We now see, for the first time on Wednesday, the ambassador of Germany -- and Germany holds the EU presidency now -- the ambassador released a letter, which he had sent to Abdullah Yusuf, the president of the transitional government. It is a very candid and a very strong letter, and that's wonderful. However, where was Germany? Where was the EU for all this period? Their silence has really given the green light for the Ethiopians to do the terrible things they've been doing.

The death toll now in Somalia is greater than it was in Lebanon. And you will recall, of course, that even then, the big powers -- the US, UK, even initially the UN -- did not demand a ceasefire. But the world media was full of that story, and there were condemnations around the world for what the Israelis were doing. But, of course, Somalis and Africans don't count as nearly much, because there has just been no international outcry at all. It’s not just the media. So we really have a problem there.

AMY GOODMAN: Salim Lone, we're going to break and come back to this discussion. We'll also play a comment or interaction in the State Department on what is happening right now in Somalia. Salim Lone, columnist for the Daily Nation in Kenya, joining us from Britain. Stay with us.

[break]

AMY GOODMAN: We're talking to Salim Lone. He is the former spokesperson for the UN mission in Iraq. He’s a columnist for the Daily Nation in Kenya and is joining us right now from London. Salim, I wanted to talk to you about the US role in all of this. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice met with the Ethiopian foreign minister on April 23. At a news conference the next day, State Department spokesperson Sean McCormack said the two had discussed the presence of Ethiopian troops in Somalia. McCormack said the troops had “no desire to stay there any longer than they are needed,” but that they didn't want to withdraw to, quote, open up a -- “vacuum open up in Somalia.” A reporter questioned him about his comments. This is an excerpt.

    REPORTER: Does it concern you at all that your little -- your opening readout, your opening statements, with the exception of some of the proper names, could have applied exactly to the situation in Iraq right now? Does that bother -- does that concern you at all?

    SEAN McCORMACK: I'm not sure I see your point, Matt.

    REPORTER: That the Ethiopians say that they don't want to stay there any longer than they're needed, but they don't want to leave a vacuum. It just sounds --

    SEAN McCORMACK: Right.

    REPORTER: -- an awful lot like they're taking a page from the administration's thoughts on what to do in Iraq.

    SEAN McCORMACK: No. I mean, they're --

    REPORTER: But I guess -- so my question is, are you concerned that they might be seeing the beginning or the -- in fact, the middle of an Iraq-style insurgency going on, obviously not directed at US soldiers --

    SEAN McCORMACK: Right. Right, right, right.

    REPORTER: -- but the same kind of thing. Are you concerned about that?

    SEAN McCORMACK: The situations are completely separate. They are -- you know, each are sui generis, but you are in each case concerned about leaving the field to a group of violent extremists who do not have an interest in building up the institutions of a democratic state, so in that sense, in that sense, there are similarities. I think certainly the specifics of each situation are quite different, and the histories are quite different. And I think the level of intensity of fighting in Iraq is quite different than you're seeing in Somalia, and the scale of it is a lot smaller.

AMY GOODMAN: State Department spokesperson Sean McCormack. The reporter went on to ask him whether the United States is calling for a ceasefire.

    REPORTER: Are you calling for a ceasefire in Somalia, or are you urging the Ethiopians to go for these insurgents with as much intensity as they could?

    SEAN McCORMACK: You don't want to see any more violence in Somalia. Everybody would like that to be the case, but there are clearly people there, individuals who are intent upon using violence in order to further a so-called political cause. And we have seen that in other areas around the world. And what can't be allowed to happen is for those forces to gain a foothold to develop a safe haven, from which they could possibly launch attacks against other states in the region and further.

    REPORTER: So you're not calling for a ceasefire?

    SEAN McCORMACK: We want to see an end to the violence. But the real way to get an end to the violence is (a) stabilize the security situation, and (b) find a political situation that is workable for the major political factions in Somali life that have an interest in actually building a different kind of Somalia, as opposed to the one we've seen for the past few decades.

AMY GOODMAN: State Department spokesperson Sean McCormack. Salim Lone, columnist for the Daily Nation in Kenya, your response?

SALIM LONE: Well, I mean, I’m very interested in the Iraq analogy, and it is really multiple, apart from what was already said there. The contrasts are striking, as well. But let me add to the analogy, actually, that May 1 is approaching. That was the day when on the -- right after the war, President Bush said that his mission had been accomplished. We have the same statement coming out of the prime minister of Somalia yesterday, that the mission has been accomplished and the insurgents have been wiped out.

But let's look at the other contrasts, which are very fascinating. In Iraq, the world body, the Security Council, for the first time in many years since the Soviet Union collapsed, stood up to the United States and refused, despite enormous pressure, to authorize a UN war in Iraq. In Somalia's case, it is precisely the opposite.

To begin with, the lawlessness of this particular war is astounding. I mean, this is the most lawless war of our generation. You know, all aggressive wars are illegal. But in this particular one, there have been violations of the Charter and gross violations of international human rights, but these are commonplace. But, in addition, there have been very concrete violations by the United States, to begin with, of two Security Council resolutions. The first one was the arms embargo imposed on Somalia, which the United States has been routinely flaunting for many years now. But then the US decided that that resolution was no longer useful, and they pushed through an appalling resolution in December, which basically gave the green light to Ethiopia to invade. They pushed through a resolution which said that the situation in Somalia was a threat to international peace and security, at a time when every independent report indicated, and Chatham House’s report on Wednesday also indicated, that the Islamic Courts Union had brought a high level of peace and stability that Somalia had not enjoyed in sixteen years.

So here was the UN Security Council going along with the American demand to pass a blatantly falsified UN resolution. And that resolution actually was a violation. It contravened the UN Charter. You know, the UN Charter is like the American Constitution. Legislators pass laws, but they have to be in conformity with the Constitution. In this particular case, the Charter is the UN’s constitution, and the Security Council cannot -- it's not allowed to really pass laws or rules that violate the Charter. And yet, who is going to correct them? So this --

AMY GOODMAN: Salim Lone, on April 8, the New York Times reported that the Bush administration recently allowed Ethiopia to complete a secret arms purchase from North Korea, in violation of international sanctions. The US allowed the arms delivery to go through in January, shortly after Ethiopia invaded Somalia, from North Korea. Salim?

SALIM LONE: Well, I mean, this just, you know, shows the lawlessness, the complete lack of pretense, even, to try to honor these resolutions. The big powers decide what resolutions are passed. But now what we see is the big powers then decide, are we actually going to honor the resolution that we just passed?

I mean, I want to give you an incredible example of how the Security Council has become a plaything almost. There was a time when Security Council resolutions had gravitas. For example, everybody knew Resolution 242, asking Israel to vacate the Occupied Territories in exchange for peace. But now, it’s a plaything.

And I want to give the example of the bombings in Spain in the year 2004. Just before the Spanish election, there was this terrible atrocity, as you know. About 200 people, Spaniards, were killed in the terrorist attacks on the trains. Because it was on the eve of the election, the Aznar government, afraid that if it was known that this attack was by terrorists, might lose the election, got the US to support a Security Council resolution which condemned the Basque separatists for the attack. And the Security Council went along with that. I mean, a day later, it became clear that it was a total lie. So the Security Council resolutions really have no meaning now, because they can be passed and violated at will, especially by the United States.

AMY GOODMAN: Salim Lone, the Dow Jones newswire has recently reported that the US-backed Somali prime minister wants to pass a new oil law to encourage foreign oil companies to return to Somalia. Royal Dutch Shell, ConocoPhillips, Chevron Corporation once had exploration contracts in Somalia, but the companies left the country in 1991. How significant is this in the US involvement in Somalia today?

SALIM LONE: Well, you know, as you’ve discussed before, Somalia itself and the region, the Horn of Africa, is newly oil-rich. Kenya has some oil. Oil is the key to domination for the United States -- global domination, I mean. But it is going about, you know, the wrong way to get that oil. The US is also worried that its welcome in the Middle East is diminishing, and they need to make sure -- both they want to encircle the Middle East with the oil field, and they want to make sure they have Somalia and other countries handy for the oil.

But this -- you know, the prime minister’s attempt to lure Western oil companies is on a par with his crying wolf about al-Qaeda at every turn. Every time you interview a Somalia official, the first thing you hear is al-Qaeda and terrorists. They’re using that. No one believes it. No one believes it at all, because all independent reports say the contrary. But they are using that to try to develop support.

And, you know, this is why it is so important. Europe has now been coming into the forefront with its concern. It had this report about major human rights violations had occurred a month ago in Mogadishu. And the Europeans are afraid that they might be complicit in those, because they were supporting the warring -- the groups that were committing those atrocities. Germany, as I said, released that letter on Wednesday. Even the American ambassador has written to Abdullah Yusuf, the president. I mean, they are really writing letters to the Somali president. They will not raise this issue in the Security Council. They will not raise this issue in Washington or London. They want to keep this as a small African issue.

And it is so important for all of us to put pressure on the governments in Europe, in particular, and on Africa, too. I mean, Africa is weak. It cannot really take strong stands. In my own country, Kenya, we have played a terrible role in these extraordinary renditions and Guantanamo Bay that are going on. But, of course, one leading opposition, the candidate in Kenya, said that the US has promised to support the government in the elections at the end of this year in exchange for the terrible things it has been doing. So Africa is weak --

AMY GOODMAN: Salim Lone, I want to ask you quickly, as you talk about Guantanamo, this secret prison in Ethiopia -- not clear how many people are being held there, if this is one of the black sites, one of the prisons that are not very well known about in the world that the US is involved with. But we do know that Amir Mohamed Meshal is there. He is a New Jersey young man from Tinton Falls. Jonathan Landay of the McClatchy Newspapers reported April 24th, Ethiopia has changed its mind and decided for the time being not to free the American Muslim who was captured trying to flee war-torn Somalia and was held without charge in Kenya and Ethiopia for more than four months. Can you talk about this secret prison?

SALIM LONE: Well, you know, there are -- did you say “secret prison”?

AMY GOODMAN: Yes.

SALIM LONE: Yes, yes, yes. You know, I mean, this whole enterprise -- the kidnappings on Kenyan streets, the grabbing refugees coming across the border -- has a “Made in America” stamp on it, because you’ve seen it all happen before. And these secret prisons, the US denies any responsibility in this whole operation. And yet, we know that CIA and FBI officials are in those prisons interviewing the inmates.

We also know, by the way, that many of the people who have disappeared are not in those secret prisons. Where are those people? Have they be killed? Are they being tortured somewhere else? This is, you know, utter lawlessness.

And we must try to get the Europeans, in particular -- I keep appealing to the Europeans, because I know -- I speak to many European ambassadors in Kenya -- I know that they're privately very concerned about what is going on. And we must get them to do more. It is fine to indicate there are war crimes to be committed. It's fine to say this must stop, and hospitals shouldn’t be bombed, and you can’t keep relief away from suffering people. But they must go beyond that. They must take an initiative, or talk privately to the United States and say, “Look, this is a lost cause. We are only creating suffering, and we're creating problems for ourselves, because there will be blowback on this. There will be animosities and angers, which will affect Europe, America, Africa, everywhere.” So they must [inaudible].

AMY GOODMAN: Finally, Ban Ki-moon, the UN Secretary-General’s call for a coalition of the willing to go into Somalia? You’re a former UN official.

SALIM LONE: You know, it is so disgraceful. For him to try to get the Security Council -- that's what he proposes, the Security Council, in case there is no peace in Somalia in the meeting in June, in mid-June, to discuss it in the Security Council -- for him to propose that the UN should now go in to do what the US and Ethiopia have been unable to do, which is basically to impose a client regime on Somalia, it's just absolutely disgraceful. I mean, I read that report to the Security Council, and it is hard to believe that Mr. Ban Ki-moon is the Secretary-General of the United Nations. It is so blatantly and comprehensively one-sided. There is not a word about the fact that the Ethiopians are there without any international legitimacy. They're occupiers. They violated the UN Charter. They were not in any danger of being attacked, and they invaded. So this notion must also -- this notion that a coalition of the willing must be formed -- as you know, that was how the first Gulf War was fought. And if this coalition comes into place, which I hope will not, it will merely internationalize the crisis and make things even worse. But I hope the Europeans, in particular, and the Africans who are on the Security Council will not allow that to happen.

AMY GOODMAN: Well, I want to thank you very much for joining us, Salim Lone, columnist for the Daily Nation in Kenya, former spokesperson for the UN mission in Iraq when it was bombed there, attacked there, several years ago, now living in Kenya, speaking to us, though, from London.

Thursday, April 26, 2007

'The smells and sounds are unbearable. I find myself crying. It is too hard emotionally'

Sahal Abdulle in Mogadishu
Thursday April 26, 2007
Guardian Unlimited


Islamic insurgents fire on Ethiopian positions in Mogadishu
Islamic insurgents fire on Ethiopian positions in Mogadishu. Photograph: AFP/Getty Images


Anybody with the means to leave Mogadishu has already gone. Some houses have one or two people guarding them. Many others are abandoned. The markets are open but very quiet. Even the people who carry sacks of rice are too afraid to work.

The war that we worried about has not only started but has taken a turn we never thought was possible. The latest fighting has been going on for nine days. It seems the shelling never stops. On Saturday night it was raining and we could not make out what was thunder and what was artillery. Both sides are firing indiscriminately. Even the normally quiet areas are under attack. From my house in K4 I can see branches falling where the bullets are hitting.



In other areas it is far worse. There are burned bodies in burned-out houses. People are being buried by the roadside in shallow graves.

There are so many wounded people; from babies to 90-year-olds. They are brought to the hospitals near my house in wheelbarrows and donkey carts, bleeding, missing limbs.

The smells and sounds are unbearable. I find myself crying. I need to go to the hospitals to chronicle what is happening. But it is getting too hard emotionally. As a reporter for Reuters I am an observer, but I am also a human being.

I grew up in Mogadishu and returned to the city last July with my young son Liban, who is 10. He was born in North America but I wanted him to live among his relatives and to learn to speak proper Somali.

We came because we had heard that the warlords had been defeated and that we did not need to move around with bodyguards. The beaches were open and safe.

My 64-year-old mother, who was living in Canada but struggling in the cold winters also returned to Mogadishu. So did two of my brothers who had been living abroad. For a few months we were all happy.

Even when the war with Ethiopia started we decided to stay because the Islamists said they would not fight for Mogadishu in order to spare the city from the mayhem we are seeing today.

Now I am the only one in my family left. My son and my brothers are in North America and my mother is in Kenya with my nephews and nieces.

At my home near the airport I now have five other journalists staying with me because their houses are in areas that are being heavily shelled. They joke and call themselves Internally Displaced Journalists.

We often report from the roof of my house because it is too dangerous to move around the city. We must walk a very fine line. Not only are we afraid of getting killed in fighting as innocent bystanders, but by reporting the reality you quickly create enemies.

My sons phone everyday from Toronto to ask why I am still here and doing this to them. Even local people here ask why I am staying when I could get out. I tell them that I want to show the world what is going on. But they say that the world doesn't care or this would not be happening to us.

Ethiopian tanks kill hundreds of civilians in Mogadishu

Thousands flee as shelling by Ethiopian tanks kills hundreds of civilians in Somali capital

· PM claims Islamists are routed, but attacks go on
· UN accuses all sides of committing war crimes


Chris McGreal, Africa correspondent
Thursday April 26, 2007
Guardian Unlimited


Two Islamist insurgents hide behind a wall in Fagah neighbourhood, north of Mogadishu, where Ethiopian troops and Islamists are fighting
Two Islamist insurgents hide behind a wall in Fagah neighbourhood, north of Mogadishu, where Ethiopian troops and Islamists are fighting. Photograph: AFP/Getty Images


The Somali capital Mogadishu suffered some of the heaviest bombardment in nine days of fighting today, as Ethiopian tanks supporting the interim government shelled new areas of the city despite a claim by the Somali prime minister to have routed Islamist insurgents.

The Ethiopian assault has killed several hundred people, many of them civilians harmed by indiscriminate shelling that has destroyed homes and shops, and forced tens of thousands to flee the city as it spread to previously relatively peaceful parts of Mogadishu. Corpses lay scattered on the streets because it is too dangerous to collect them.



More than 1,000 people were killed in an earlier round of fighting last month. More than a third of the civilian population — some 340,000 people — have fled in the past three months.

The UN humanitarian affairs chief, Sir John Holmes, today accused all those involved of war crimes.

"The rules of humanitarian law are being flouted by all sides ... all factions are equally guilty of indiscriminate violence in a civilian area," he said. "Civilians in Mogadishu are paying an intolerable price for the absence of political progress and dialogue and the failure of all parties to abide by the rules of warfare."

Refugees are camped on the outskirts of the city, with water, food and medicine growing scarcer. About 600 have died of cholera and other diseases.

"At least half the capital is deserted, slowly turning it into a ghost city," the UN refugee agency said.

The interim Somali government said the 20,000-strong Ethiopian force fighting on its behalf, with 5,000 Somali troops playing a lesser role, will keep up the offensive until fighters with the Council of Islamic Courts are defeated. The council ruled Mogadishu and much of southern Somalia for six months last year until overthrown by the Ethiopian army with US backing.

Somalia's prime minister, Ali Mohamed Gedi, today claimed to have defeated the Islamist forces. "We have won the fighting against the insurgents," he told Associated Press. "Most of the fighting in Mogadishu is now over. The government has captured a lot of territory where the insurgents were."

But critics say Somalia has become a battleground for Ethiopia's foreign agenda and Washington's "war on terror" that will do little to bring long term stability.

The Islamic Courts government was popular in Mogadishu after bringing relative order and driving out clan warlords responsible for 16 years of death and mayhem. But the US believed it looked too much like the Taliban, with its ban on music and dancing and the qat narcotic, and that it was sympathetic to al-Qaida.

Washington encouraged the Ethiopian military — at the "invitation" of Somalia's interim national government which was so unpopular it was unable to remain in Mogadishu — to invade and oust the Islamic Courts administration. The new Somali government includes some of the warlords who previously caused so much destruction.

A report by the Royal Institute of International Affairs said that US and Ethiopian strategic interests in supporting a weak and factionalised government that is far less popular than the Islamic Courts administration are an obstacle, not a contribution, to rebuilding Somalia.

"In an uncomfortably familiar pattern, genuine multilateral concern to support the reconstruction and rehabilitation of Somalia has been hijacked by unilateral actors — especially Ethiopia and the United States," it said.

As always in Somalia, the conflict is also being driven by money through weapons smuggling and business interests.

Ethiopian forces were to have been replaced by African Union peacekeepers, but only 1,200 of the AU's promised 8,000 troops have arrived in Somalia.

Saturday, April 21, 2007

Mogadishu war escalates, hundreds dead

Sat Apr 21, 2007 9:33 AM ET

By Sahal Abdulle

MOGADISHU (Reuters) - Shells pounded Mogadishu on Saturday, killing at least 73 people to swell a death-toll already in the hundreds from this week's battles between militant Islamists and allied Somali and Ethiopian troops.

The escalating war has also sent more than 321,000 residents -- nearly a third of Mogadishu's total population -- fleeing in the biggest refugee movement in Somalia since the 1991 fall of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre ushered in 16 years of anarchy.

Even by Somali standards, Saturday's carnage was shocking.

"I counted 20 dead in the street and the sidewalk. Some were missing heads, others were so mutilated you couldn't tell if they were men or women," resident Suleman Mohammed said from the Al Barakah market area where more than seven mortars landed.

Residents and medical staff interviewed by Reuters confirmed a minimum of 73 casualties from the incessant shelling and gunfire across the city on Saturday, adding to an estimated 131 others from the previous three days' violence.

The week's final death-toll is expected to soar and may come close to the estimated 1,000 casualties from a similar four-day flare-up at the end of March. Most of the victims are civilians.

The Islamists ruled most of south Somalia for the second half of 2006, before being defeated in a brief war over the New Year. But Islamist fighters -- backed by some disgruntled Hawiye clan elements -- have regrouped to rise up against President Abdullahi Yusuf's administration and his Ethiopian backers.

"There are a lot of deaths. I am carrying the bodies of two family members into my car now," one distraught resident, who asked not to give his name, told Reuters.

Another, Abdi Mohammed, said: "Six shells hit our neighborhood. One hit our neighbor's house killing five of the six family members who live there. My seven-year-old son and his friend were wounded."

REFUGEE CATASTROPHE

The United Nations and aid agencies say the massive refugee exodus is also creating a looming humanitarian catastrophe, with diseases already striking. Many refugees are living under trees and beside roads, short of food, water and any basic amenities.

Inside the city, residents described a terrifying night of near-constant shelling mixed with thunder from a storm.

Mortars, apparently from Ethiopian positions, hit the offices of the private broadcaster HornAfrik on Saturday morning, wounding several journalists inside, witnesses said.

"We are in a state of shock, I see no end to this," said Ali Haji, 50, a resident who took his family out of Mogadishu last month but came back to protect his house and belongings.

"I've had enough. I'm abandoning the house. I am caught between two groups -- Ethiopians trying to kill me because I am Somali, and insurgents not happy because I am not picking up a gun and fighting with them. I have lost all hope."

With even a cemetery under bombardment on Saturday, residents buried their dead in makeshift graves.

The only operating hospital, Madina, was packed with wounded, screams echoing through the corridors. Tents were set up in the hospital garden to deal with the influx, with many people nursing injuries unattended under trees in the heat.

"Unless we get massive international help, we cannot cope," a doctor said. "Our beds and tents are full."

Access to the hospital involved a dangerous journey through streets ricocheting to gunfire and explosions, witnesses said.

Insurgents barricaded themselves behind makeshift sandbanks and raced through streets on the backs of pickups turned into battle-wagons, while Ethiopian and Somali troops made forays into rebel strongholds with armored cars.

A small African Union peacekeeping force of 1,500 Ugandan soldiers has failed to stem the conflict.

The United States, Ethiopia and Somali government say the rebels are linked to al Qaeda, but Islamist leaders deny that, saying they are being deprived of a say in Somalia's future.

(Additional reporting by Andrew Cawthorne in Nairobi)

Mogadishu war rages, shells kill civilians

Sat Apr 21, 2007 2:40 PM IST

By Sahal Abdulle

MOGADISHU (Reuters) - Shells rocked Mogadishu throughout the night, killing more civilians on Saturday and swelling a vast exodus from an escalating war between militant Islamists and allied Somali-Ethiopian troops.

"There are a lot of deaths. I am carrying the bodies of two family members into my car now," one distraught resident, who asked not to give his name, told Reuters.

Battles since Wednesday have killed at least 131 people, a local rights group said late on Friday. The deaths overnight will push up the toll.

A similar four-day flareup in March killed 1,000 people, adding to the city's history of anarchy and bloodshed since the 1991 fall of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre.

The United Nations says 321,000 residents -- or nearly a third of Mogadishu's estimated one million population -- have fled since February in what it and aid agencies are calling a looming humanitarian catastrophe.

Many refugees are living under trees and beside roads.

In Mogadishu, residents described a terrifying night of near-constant shelling mixed with thunder from a storm.

"At one point you couldn't tell the difference. My windows were shaking," a Reuters witness said, half a dozen shells exploding within earshot as he spoke by telephone to his head office in Nairobi.

Mortars, apparently from Ethiopian positions, hit the offices of the private broadcaster HornAfrik on Saturday morning, wounding some journalists inside, witnesses said.

"I HAVE LOST HOPE"

"We are in a state of shock, I see no end to this," said Ali Haji, 50, a resident who took his family out of Mogadishu last month but came back to protect his house and belongings.

"I've had enough. I'm abandoning the house. I am caught between two groups -- Ethiopians trying to kill me because I am Somali, and insurgents not happy because I am not picking up a gun and fighting with them. I have lost all hope."

Other residents confirmed incessant bombardments. "We are under heavy shelling, 15 have fallen into our neighbourhood within the last hour," one said in Towfiq district.

With even a cemetery under bombardment on Saturday, Mogadishu residents were burying their dead in makeshift graves by the side of the road. Parts of the city were like a ghost-town of deserted streets and shattered buildings.

The only operating hospital, Madina, was packed with wounded, screams echoing through the corridors. But access to the hospital involved a dangerous journey through streets ricocheting to gunfire and explosions, witnesses said.

Insurgents barricaded themselves behind makeshift sandbanks and raced through streets on the backs of pickups turned into battle-wagons, while Ethiopian and Somali troops made forays into rebel strongholds with armoured cars.

Soldiers blocked off roads to military bases after an Islamist suicide attacker blew himself up on Thursday at a former prison now used by the Ethiopians.

The Islamists ruled most of south Somalia for the second half of 2006, before being defeated in a brief war over the New Year. But Islamist fighters -- backed by some disgruntled Hawiye clan elements -- have regrouped to rise up against President Abdullahi Yusuf's administration and his Ethiopian backers.

A small African Union peacekeeping force of 1,500 Ugandan soldiers has failed to stem the conflict.

The United States, Ethiopia and the Somali government say the Islamists are closely aligned to al Qaeda, but leaders of the movement deny that, saying they are being deprived of a say in Somalia's future.

Tuesday, April 17, 2007

Reports of torture in Ethiopia are widespread

16 Apr 16, 2007 - 12:35:15 PM

Bush says prime minister is committed to human rights

Ghimbi, Ethiopia -- First, the police threw Tesfaye into a dark cell. Then, each day for 17 days, it was the same routine: Electric shocks on his legs and back, followed by beatings with rubber truncheons. Four or five officers would then surround and kick him. At last, a large bottle of water would be tied around his testicles. He'd pass out.

Tesfaye's crime? Maybe it's that he refused to join the ruling party of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. He was accused of organizing street protests in late 2005. Police suspect he's a member of a rebel group called the Oromo Liberation Front. Tesfaye doesn't know for sure because no court ever charged him with a crime.

"They took us turn by turn to a dark place, and they would shock us and say, 'What do you think now? You won't change your ways now? Do you want to be a member of our party now?' " Tesfaye recalled of his time in prison early last year. He refused to give his last name for fear of being rearrested.

Accounts like this are common in today's Ethiopia. Interviews with dozens of people across the country, coupled with testimony given to diplomats and human rights groups, paint a picture of a nation that jails its citizens without reason or trial, and tortures many of them -- despite government claims to the contrary.

Such cases are especially troubling because the U.S. government, a key Ethiopian ally, has acknowledged interrogating terrorism suspects in Ethiopian prisons, where some detainees were sent after being arrested in connection with Ethiopia's invasion of Somalia in December. There have been no reports that those jailed have been tortured. The invasion ousted an Islamic movement accused of having ties to al Qaeda that threatened to topple an interim Somali government struggling to control the country.

The Bush administration maintains that Meles' government, a leading partner in its war on terror in East Africa, is committed to democratic and human rights reform. The government was severely criticized for a 2005 crackdown that saw tens of thousands of opposition members jailed and nearly 200 people killed following elections in which the opposition made major gains.

People across Ethiopia recounted stories of a government backsliding on human rights issues. They told of confinement for days in tiny, dark cells with their hands bound 24 hours a day; electric shocks; beatings with rubber clubs; police who held guns to prisoners' heads; mutilation or pain inflicted on the genitals.

"If you think differently, that is enough to put you on the side of the opposition," said 34-year-old Teferi, who recently was released from prison after two months without being charged with a crime. "If you say, 'This is not right, this is right, it's good to rule peacefully,' if you talk something fair, it's over for you because there is no fairness from them."

Teferi said a police source told him that he was arrested because he played too much pingpong -- and that police suspected he was recruiting people to a rebel group while he played. He said he was imprisoned at a police training camp called Sankele outside the city of Ambo, which the International Committee of the Red Cross has been barred from visiting.

Ethiopian officials dismiss stories of torture as lies, and have taken the further step of expelling everyone from foreign journalists to representatives of human rights groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. Ethiopian reporters for the U.S.-financed Voice of America must work in secret for fear of harassment.

Bereket Simon, a top adviser to Meles, said it's in the interests of rights groups to lie about the situation, and he rejected the idea that torture occurs in Ethiopia.

"No way. No way. No way. I think you know, these are prohibited by laws, by Ethiopian laws -- torture, any human treatments," Bereket said. "In fact, we have been improving on our prison standards. We've been working hard to train the police forces, the interrogators."

U.S. officials say Washington's close alliance with the government in Addis Ababa allows it to raise concerns about Ethiopia's record privately. The State Department is requesting more than $500 million for Ethiopian aid in fiscal 2008, almost all of it for HIV/AIDS relief. The United States trains Ethiopian troops, and the two governments have shared intelligence about Somalia.

U.S. Ambassador Donald Yamamoto said he wants to investigate claims of abuse, but warned against making allegations about Ethiopia's actions without proof.

"There's a lot of misinformation about Ethiopia -- I mean, it's amazing," Yamamoto said. "The problem comes in trying to divide or separate what is fact and what's fiction, and trying to keep an open mind on every issue. ... There are problems, and we're free to admit that, and the Ethiopians are open to admitting that as well."

Ethiopia's critics are skeptical of the government's promises to improve its human rights record.

"Over the years, the more I see, the more I become convinced that not only does the government tolerate it, but I think they direct this kind of behavior," said Ethiopian-born Theodros Dagne, a senior aide to Rep. Donald Payne, D-N.J., a leading critic of Ethiopian practices on human rights.

European diplomats and employees of Western aid groups, speaking on condition of anonymity, said they keep quiet about abuses because they fear the government will freeze them out of aid work. About 2.8 million of Ethiopia's 75 million people depend on foreign food aid.

Washington's steadfast support has led some Ethiopian opposition leaders to assert that Meles' government has only been emboldened.

"We fully believe that the international community is not going to democratize this place -- it's going to be the tough task of the Ethiopians," said Beyene Petros, a lawmaker and leader of the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces, a coalition of opposition groups. "Simply, the U.S. State Department's or the U.S. government's position on Ethiopia is that it's a friendly government, and how can you go and quarrel with your friend because somebody told on him?"
Source: San Francisco Chronicle

Tuesday, April 10, 2007

Somali fighting killed more than 1,000: report

2 hours, 9 minutes ago

MOGADISHU (Reuters) - Recent clashes pitting Ethiopian and Somali forces against clan militia and insurgents killed at least 1,086 people and wounded more than 4,300, according to a local committee set up to assess the damage.

The committee's report obtained by Reuters on Tuesday said 1.4 million people had fled their homes in the Somali capital Mogadishu because of the March 29-April 1 battles.

A previous report by a local human rights group put the number of dead at 381 people, in what aid workers have said was the worst fighting in Mogadishu for more than 15 years.

Saturday, April 7, 2007

Let’s Hear it for the War on Terror: Somalia

On April 5th, there was a moving ceremony at the State Department. Assistant Secretary Barry Lowenkron presented—as mandated by the U.S. Congress—the fifth annual Supporting Human Rights and Democracy Report, which, said the secretary, “ documents the many ways the United States worked worldwide last year to foster respect for human rights and promote democratic government.”

Then, citing one of the globe’s great champions of human rights, “ As President Bush has said, what every terrorist fears most is human freedom — societies where men and women make their own choices, answer to their own conscience and live by their hopes instead of their resentments.”

Of course, in that war on terror, as in any war, you’ve got to be tough minded. You do what you have to do: torture, kidnap, murder, whatever. You also find your allies where you can, right? Like in the horn of Africa where Al Qaeda has been active—killing and bombing for years. One place they were supposed to be operating was Somalia, Black Hawk Down country: the very definition of a failed state, a seething, ungovernable land of perpetually warring clans. Between 1991 and last year, 13 governments came and went.

Then, last year a coalition of Islamic groups managed to bring calm to the capital of Mogadishu by getting the feuding clans to disarm their militias, and convincing Somalis, the majority of whom are Sunnis, to accept Islam as the solution to their turmoil.

That calm lasted for six months. The problem was that, as the U.S. saw it, while militant Islam might pacify the Somalis, it could also offer sanctuary for groups linked with Al Qaeda to regroup and train for future attacks—attacks like their bloody bombings in 1998 of the U.S. Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.

U.S. Special Forces went to work with their military buddies in neighboring Ethiopia. And so it was that in December 2006, the Ethiopians attacked and Somali crowds cheered in the battered streets of Magadishu as the Islamists were sent packing. The Ethiopians and their U.S. advisors patted themselves on the back. This was the beginning of a new era for Somalia. It was like Baghdad after the fall of Saddam, or Kabul after the Taliban were evicted.

Similarly as well, the Ethiopian military scooped up scores of people –people of all ages, some apparently just passing through–and packed them off to clandestine prisons. Added to those were several hundred more who had fled to neighboring Kenya. International reaction was not long in coming.

According to the Associated Press, “Human rights groups, lawyers and several Western diplomats assert hundreds of prisoners, who include women and children, have been transferred secretly and illegally in recent months from Kenya and Somalia to Ethiopia, where they are kept without charge or access to lawyers and families.” They include citizens of 19 countries, including the U.S. Canada, France, Sweden.

While the Ethiopians deny they have any secret prisons in their country. American officials admitted to the AP that the FBI and CIA have been allowed “limited access” to question prisoners as part of their counter-terrorism work.”

As Paul Gimigliano, a CIA spokesman, put it “To fight terror, CIA acts boldly and lawfully, alone and with partners, just as the American people expect us to.”

U.S. officials, however, claimed that America had nothing to do with the arrests or imprisonment. But John Sifton, a Human Rights Watch expert on counter-terrorism, charged that, on the contrary, the United States has acted as “ringleader” in what he labeled a “decentralized, outsourced Guantanamo.”

O.K. so what goes on in the prisons of Ethiopia, America’s partner? You could ask Human Rights Watch, which of course talks of torture and beatings. But we know what knee-jerks the HRW folks are. To get the real truth, we turn to the U. S. State Department and its current report on Human Rights around the globe.

Their summary on Ethiopia?
“Human rights abuses reported during the year included: limitation on citizens’ right to change their government during the most recent elections; unlawful killings, and beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees and opposition supporters by security forces; poor prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention, particularly those suspected of sympathizing with or being members of the opposition; detention of thousands without charge and lengthy pretrial detention”…and so on.
You get the picture.

Meanwhile, back in Somalia, turns out that, after the initial euphoria, the regime installed by the Ethiopians and –one presumes—their American advisors, has been incapable of bringing together the major clans. Large numbers of African peacekeepers who were supposed to take over from the Ethiopians have, for more the most part, yet to show up. Meanwhile, as the interim government, which was supposed to be a transition on the road to democracy, has become ever more authoritarian and isolated, a new insurgency has grown. It began with some clans linked to the Islamists, but has now greatly expanded.

The past weeks have seen increasingly bloody battles in Mogadishu. Government troops often refused to take action , while the Ethiopians, feeling no such restraint, have reportedly been launching devastating and indsicriminate barrages into heavily populated urban areas. Mogadishu is once again filled with death and destruction. Over a hundred thousand Somalis have fled.

Impressive, while we’ve been obsessed with Iraq and Afghanistan and Iran, the progress being made elsewhere in the War Against Terror.

Wednesday, April 4, 2007

US agents visit Ethiopian secret jails

Anthony Mitchell | Nairobi, Kenya

04 April 2007 09:10

CIA and FBI agents hunting for al-Qaeda militants in the Horn of Africa have been interrogating terrorism suspects from 19 countries held at secret prisons in Ethiopia, which is notorious for torture and abuse, according to an investigation by the Associated Press (AP).

Human rights groups, lawyers and several Western diplomats assert hundreds of prisoners, who include women and children, have been transferred secretly and illegally in recent months from Kenya and Somalia to Ethiopia, where they are kept without charge or access to lawyers and families.

The detainees include at least one United States citizen and some are from Canada, Sweden and France, according to a list compiled by a Kenyan Muslim rights group and flight manifests obtained by AP.

Some were swept up by Ethiopian troops that drove a radical Islamist government out of neighbouring Somalia late last year.

Others have been deported from Kenya, where many Somalis have fled the continuing violence in their homeland.

Ethiopia, which denies holding secret prisoners, is a country with a long history of human rights abuses. In recent years, it has also been a key US ally in the fight against al-Qaeda, which has been trying to sink roots among Muslims in the Horn of Africa.

US government officials contacted by AP acknowledged questioning prisoners in Ethiopia. But they said American agents were following the law and were fully justified in their actions because they are investigating past attacks and current threats of terrorism.

The prisoners were never in US custody, said an FBI spokesperson, Richard Kolko, who denied the agency would support or be party to illegal arrests. He said US agents were allowed limited access by governments in the Horn of Africa to question prisoners as part of the FBI's counterterrorism work.

Western security officials, who insisted on anonymity because the issue related to security matters, told AP that among those held were well-known suspects with strong links to al-Qaeda.

But some US allies have expressed consternation at the transfers to the prisons. One Western diplomat in Nairobi, who agreed to speak to AP only if not quoted to avoid angering US officials, said he sees the US as playing a guiding role in the operation.

John Sifton, a Human Rights Watch expert on counterterrorism, went further. He said in an email that the United States has acted as "ringleader" in what he labelled a "decentralised, outsourced Guantánamo."

Details of the arrests, transfers and interrogations slowly emerged as AP and human rights groups investigated the disappearances, diplomats tracked their missing citizens and the first detainees to be released told their stories.

One investigator from an international human rights group, who spoke on condition of anonymity because the person was not authourised to speak to the media, said Ethiopia had secret jails at three locations: Addis Ababa, the capital; an Ethiopian air base 59km east of the capital; and the far eastern desert close to the Somali border.

More than 100 of the detainees were originally arrested in Kenya in January, after almost all of them fled Somalia because of the intervention by Ethiopian troops accompanied by US special forces advisers, according to Kenyan police reports and US military officials.

Those people were then deported in clandestine pre-dawn flights to Somalia, according to the Kenya Muslim Human Rights Forum and airline documents. At least 19 were women and 15 were children.

In Somalia, they were handed over to Ethiopian intelligence officers and secretly flown to Ethiopia, where they are now in detention, the New York-based Human Rights Watch says.

A further 200 people, also captured in Somalia, were mainly Ethiopian rebels who backed the Somali Islamist movement, according to one rights group and a Somali government official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he did not want to jeopardise his job. Those prisoners also were taken to Ethiopia, human rights groups say.

Kenya continues to arrest hundreds of people for illegally crossing over from Somalia. But it is not clear if deportations continue.

The Pentagon announced last week that one Kenyan al-Qaeda suspect who fled Somalia, Mohamed Abul Malik, was arrested and flown to the US detention centre at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba.

When contacted by AP, Ethiopian officials denied that they held secret prisoners or that any detainees were questioned by US officials.

"No such kind of secret prisons exist in Ethiopia," said Bereket Simon, special adviser to Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. He declined to comment further.

A former prisoner and the families of current and former captives tell a different story.

"It was a nightmare from start to finish," Kamilya Mohammedi Tuweni, a 42-year-old mother of three who has a passport from the United Arab Emirates, told AP in her first comments after her release in Addis Ababa on March 24 from what she said was two-and-a-half months months in detention without charge.

She is the only released prisoner who has spoken publicly. She was freed a month after being interviewed, fingerprinted and photographed by a US agent, she said. Tuweni, an Arabic-Swahili translator, said she was arrested while on a business trip to Kenya and had never been to Somalia or had any links to that country.

She said she was arrested January 10. Tuweni said she was beaten in Kenya, then forced to sleep on a stone floor while held in Somalia in a single room with 22 other women and children for 10 days before being flown to Ethiopia on a military plane.

Finally, she said, she was taken blindfolded from prison to a private villa in the Ethiopian capital. There, she said, she was interrogated with other women by a male US intelligence agent. He assured her that she would not be harmed but urged her to cooperate, she said.

In a telephone conversation with AP, Tuweni said the man identified himself as a US official, but not from the FBI. A CIA official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said on Tuesday that the agency had no contact with Tuweni.

"We cried the whole time because we did not know what would happen. The whole thing was very scary," said Tuweni, who flew back to her family in Dubai a day after her release.

Exhausted
Tuweni's version of her transfer out of Kenya is corroborated by the manifest of the African Express Airways flight 5Y AXF. It shows she was taken to Mogadishu, Somalia, with 31 other people on an unscheduled flight chartered by the Kenyan government.

The family of a Swedish detainee, 17-year-old Safia Benaouda, said she was freed from Ethiopia on March 27 and arrived home the following day. Benaouda had travelled to Somalia with her fianc é but fled to Kenya during the Ethiopian military intervention, her mother said.

"She is exhausted, her face is yellow and she's lost about 10kg," her mother, Helena Benaouda, a 47-year-old Muslim convert who heads the Swedish Muslim Council, wrote on a website she set up to help secure her daughter's release.

"She was beaten with a stick when she demanded to go to the toilet."

The mother spoke briefly by telephone with AP, saying any information she had was being posted on the website. She declined to make her daughter available for an interview.

According to the website, a US specialist visited the location where Benaouda was being held and took DNA samples and fingerprints of detainees. It said the teenager was never charged or allowed access to lawyers.

The teen was also concerned about a seven-month-old baby that was in detention with her, the website said.

The transfer from Kenya to Somalia, and eventually to Ethiopia, of a 24-year-old US citizen, Amir Mohamed Meshal, raised disquiet among FBI officers and the State Department. He is the only American known to be among the detainees in Ethiopia.

US diplomats on February 27 formally protested to Kenyan authorities about Meshal's transfer and then spent three weeks trying to gain access to him in Ethiopia, said Tom Casey, deputy spokesperson for the State Department.

He confirmed Meshal was still in Ethiopian custody pending a hearing on his status.

An FBI memo read to AP by a US official in Washington, who insisted on anonymity, quoted an agent who interrogated Meshal as saying the agent was "disgusted" by Meshal's deportation to Somalia by Kenya. The unidentified agent said he was told by US consular staff that the deportation was illegal.

"My personal opinion was that he may have been a jihadi a-hole, but the precedent of 'deporting' US citizens to dangerous situations when there is no reason to do so was a bad one," the official quoted the memo as saying.

Like Benaouda, Meshal was arrested fleeing Somalia. A Kenyan police report of Meshal's arrest obtained by AP says he was carrying an assault rifle and had crossed into Kenyan with armed Arab men who were trying to avoid capture.

Meshal's parents insist he is innocent and called on the US government to win his release.

"My son's only crime is that he's a Muslim, an American Muslim," his father, Mohamed Meshal, said from the family's two-storey home on a cul-de-sac in Tinton Falls, New Jersey, where he lives with his wife, Fifi.

"Clearly the US government interrogated him, and threatened him with torture according to the accounts that we've seen," said Jonathan Hafetz, a lawyer at the Brennan Centre for Justice at the New York University School of Law who has been assisting the family.

Representative Rush Holt, a Democrat from New Jersey, wrote to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice on Monday to demand Meshal's immediate release. "Our government cannot allow an American citizen to continue to be held by the Ethiopian government in violation of international law and our own due process," he said.

The International Committee of the Red Cross, the guardian of the Geneva Conventions that protect victims of war, is seeking access to the Ethiopian detainees, said a diplomat from a country whose citizens are being held. He insisted on speaking anonymously because he is working for their release.

US officials, who agreed to discuss the detentions only if not quoted by name because of the information's sensitivity, said Ethiopia had allowed access to US agencies, including the CIA and FBI, but the agencies played no role in arrests, transport or deportation.

One official said it would have been irresponsible to pass up an opportunity to learn more about terrorist operations.

Kolko, the FBI spokesperson, also said the detainees were never in FBI or US government custody.

"While in custody of the foreign government, the FBI was granted limited access to interview certain individuals of interest," he told AP.

"We do not support or participate in any system that illegally detains foreign fighters or terror suspects, including women and children."

Paul Gimigliano, a CIA spokesperson, declined to discuss details of any such interviews. He said, however: "To fight terror, CIA acts boldly and lawfully, alone and with partners, just as the American people expect us to."

One of the US officials said the FBI has had access in Ethiopia to several dozen individuals -- fewer than 100 -- as part of its investigations.

The official said the 1998 US Embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania that killed hundreds are a major focus of the agents' work. Law enforcement officials have long believed the bombings were carried out by members of Osama bin Laden's terrorist network who were later given safe haven in Somalia.

The official said FBI agents would not be witness or party to any questioning that involved abuse.

It wasn't clear how many people the CIA interviewed or whether the agency's officers were working jointly with the FBI.

The CIA began an aggressive program in 2002 to interrogate suspected terrorists at an unknown number of secret locations from South-East Asia to Europe.

Prisoners were frequently picked up in one country and transferred to a prison in another, where they were held incommunicado by a cooperative intelligence service. But President George Bush announced in September that all the detainees had been moved to military custody at Guantánamo Bay.

One Western diplomat, who refused to be quoted by name for fear of hurting relations with the countries involved, would not rule out that additional suspects in Ethiopia could be sent to Guantánamo.

Kenyan government spokesperson Alfred Mutua insisted no laws were broken and said his government was not aware that anyone would be
transferred from Somalia to Ethiopia.

Lawyers and human rights groups argue the covert transfers to Ethiopia violated international law.

"Each of these governments has played a shameful role in mistreating people fleeing a war zone," said Georgette Gagnon, deputy Africa director of Human Rights Watch. "Kenya has secretly expelled people, the Ethiopians have caused dozens to disappear, and US security agents have routinely interrogated people held incommunicado." – Sapa-AP

Somalia slips ever backwards

Related
Bush Approves U.S. Army for Africa
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Hundreds of civilians have died in fighting in Mogadishu - further proof that last year's US-backed Ethiopian invasion did more harm than good.

April 3, 2007 6:30 PM

Simon Tisdall

Predictions that the US-backed Ethiopian invasion of Somalia last Christmas would hasten rather than halt the country's political disintegration are proving grimly accurate. In the league of failed states, Somalia is runaway leader. With international attention focused on Zimbabwe and Darfur, it is the hidden shame of the world.

More than 1,000 civilians have been killed or wounded in recent fighting in the capital, Mogadishu, and tens of thousands have fled their homes. The UN says wounded civilians are lying untended in the streets after heavy artillery and mortars pounded residential areas. Since February, 96,000 refugees have swelled the ranks of Somalia's 400,000 internally displaced persons. And despite a temporary truce today, it seems likely that worse is to come.

Ethiopia's defeat of local Islamist forces, known as the Council of Islamic Courts, that seized control of Mogadishu last year was accomplished with the help of American air strikes, intelligence and logistical support. It allowed the widely disavowed, western-approved transitional federal government (TFG) to expand its area of nominal control. It may have also furthered Washington's aim of curbing supposed al-Qaida efforts to "Talibanise" the Horn of Africa – although the evidence for that claim is thin.

But the intervention, opposed by many Somalis and by Ethiopia's regional foe, Eritrea, was not nearly as decisive as its main architect, Ethiopia's prime minister, Meles Zenawi, has claimed. In recent weeks the country has slipped back inexorably into a maelstrom of violent rivalries pitting hostile clans, resurgent warlords, militias, and foreign jihadis against each other in an ever more destructive struggle for dominance. And far from being vanquished, the Islamists, whose support is largely drawn from the powerful Hawiye clan, may be making a comeback.

"Politically Somalia has now been returned roughly to where it was when the TFG was formed in October 2004," says the latest report of the International Crisis Group. "The government is weak, unpopular and faction ridden, and the power vacuum in southern Somalia is rapidly being filled by the same faction leaders and warlords that the Courts overthrew.

"Many Mogadishu residents resent the Courts' defeat, feel threatened by the TFG and are dismayed by the presence of Ethiopian troops," the report added. "Ethiopia's victory has dismantled only the most visible part of the Courts. Other elements, including the militant Shabaab leadership, remain largely intact ... The grassroots network of mosques, schools and private enterprises remain in place and continues to expand thanks to contributions from Islamic charities."

Despite an emergency meeting in Cairo today of the international contact group, which includes the US and Britain, and plans for a national reconciliation conference on April 16, Somalia's prospects look bleak. The African Union has failed to insert an effective peacekeeping force. Only Uganda has sent troops so far – and they have become targets, rather than arbiters, as the weekend killing of a peacekeeper showed. Meanwhile previously peaceful Somaliland and Puntland in the north show signs of incipient instability.

Several attempts by Mr Zenawi to set a timetable for an Ethiopian withdrawal, as volubly urged by Eritrea (which is backing the Courts), have meanwhile been thwarted by continuing resistance. He announced on March 13 that his troops would pull out in two phases. But two days later, Ethiopia's foreign minister promised the troops would stay until the TFG was in control "across Somalia" – which by most estimates, will be a very long time indeed. The Ethiopians now face an Iraq-style quagmire.

According to Michael Weinstein of the Power & Interest News Report, the reluctance of the TFG president, Abdullahi Yusuf, to negotiate genuine power-sharing arrangements with moderate Islamists and other forces is likely to scupper the reconciliation conference. Having waited so long to gain power, and after so many years of bitter strife, factions within the transitional government were now reluctant to relinquish any part of it to erstwhile enemies.

The western powers, neighbouring countries such as Kenya, and donor countries faced a dilemma, Dr Weinstein said. "If they press the TFG into open reconciliation talks, they risk its implosion; if they stand back and let Yusuf proceed with his approach to reconciliation, they risk increasing instability."

Even if it takes place, the April 16 peace conference was "highly unlikely to succeed," he concluded. Instead its failure may signal the next stage of Somalia's unremarked descent into the inferno.

Monday, April 2, 2007

Government Urges Somalians to Flee Homes

Monday April 2, 2007 3:16 PM

By SALAD DUHUL

Associated Press Writer

MOGADISHU, Somalia (AP)- The fragile Somali government backed by Ethiopian forces called on civilians in the capital Monday to leave their homes in disputed areas ahead of a new military offensive against a lethal Islamic insurgency.

Salad Ali Jelle, the deputy defense minister, said the government does not recognize a cease-fire negotiated between Ethiopian military and clan elders.

``We call on the civilians living in terrorist-held areas in Mogadishu to abandon their houses because it is possible that government troops may target these areas any time,'' Jelle said. ``We have to clean Al-Qaida elements from Mogadishu.''

The commander of Somalia's military forces, Abdullahi Ali Omar, escaped a suspected roadside bombing as he drove in a government convoy from his hotel Monday, witnesses told The Associated Press. Two policemen were injured in the blast, witness Mohamed Abukar said, but Omar's vehicle was not hit, said another onlooker, Hussein Ali.

There was a glimmer of hope Sunday when Mogadishu's highly influential and dominant clan said it had brokered a truce to stop the fighting.

But mortars were raining down hours after Hawiye clan spokesman Ahmed Diriye made the announcement.

The U.N. refugee agency says 47,000 people, who are mainly women and children, have fled violence in the Somali capital in the last 10 days.

More than 200 people have been wounded in the worst fighting the city has seen in 15 years, the International Committee of the Red Cross says. At least 30 and probably far more have been killed, according to aid groups and medics.

There was calm, however, in the capital early Monday.

Some businesses were reopened and public transport system started to operate in the deserted streets of the capital.

Jelle said his government was fighting with terrorists for the last four days, not clan militias. ``The Hawiye clan are not terrorists,'' Jelle said.

On the reported cease-fire, he said ``it is null and void.'' Jelle also dismissed reports that Ethiopian reinforcements were pouring into the city of two million. Around 4,000 Ethiopian troops are in Mogadishu, say Western diplomats who spoke to the AP on condition of anonymity because it related to security matters.

Uganda, which has about 1,400 troops here as the vanguard of a larger African Union peacekeeping force, said Sunday it had lost its first soldier - a man who was hit by a mortar on Saturday. So far, Uganda is the only country to contribute to the peacekeeping force.

The insurgents are linked to the Council of Islamic Courts, which was driven from power in December by Somali and Ethiopian soldiers, accompanied by U.S. special forces. The U.S. has accused the courts of having ties to al-Qaida.

The Islamic courts stockpiled thousands of tons of weapons and ammunition during the six months they controlled Mogadishu. The insurgency will likely last until that stockpile is depleted, or key leaders are killed.

The militants have long rejected any secular government and have sworn to fight until Somalia becomes an Islamic emirate.

Experts fear the conflict in Somalia could engulf the region. In Egypt, Foreign Minister Ahmed Aboul Gheit sent urgent letters Sunday to the United Nations, Arab League and the African Union urging a speedy intervention to end the fighting in Somalia.

Somalia has been mired in chaos since 1991, when warlords overthrew dictator Mohamed Siad Barre and then turned each other.

A national government was established in 2004 but has failed to assert any real control.

Somalia: Hundreds killed as civilian deaths mount

Civilian deaths mount in Mogadishu

Earlier on Friday, armed groups shot down
an Ethiopian helicopter [Reuters]

Violence has continued in Mogadishu, the Somali capital, for a third day, in what the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has called "the worst fighting in more than 15 years".

Corpses lay in the streets on Saturday as ongoing fighting and mortar fire made it difficult to retrieve bodies or tally the dead.

Residents said hundreds were believed to have been killed across the city of one million people.

"We don't know where to go. We are trapped in our houses and dead bodies are lying in the street," AFP reported Ibrahim Duale, a resident in the southern Ali Kamin area, as saying

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"There is no chance of taking the wounded and dead people because of the heavy artillery and anti-aircraft weapons," he said.

Salado Yebarow, another Mogadishu resident, was reported by Reuters as saying: "I have been here 16 years and never seen anything like this.

"The whole city is being shelled indiscriminately."

Armed groups in Mogadishu, made up of the remnants of the Islamic Courts fighters and a number of clan militias, have fired mortars from inside residential areas.

Ethiopian troops, backing Somalia's weak interim-government, have used heavy artillery to shell the insurgents' positions inside those areas.

Caught in the crossfire

The ICRC said in a statement on Friday: "The population of Mogadishu is caught up in the worst fighting in more than 15 years."

Earlier on Friday, armed groups shot down an Ethiopian helicopter. A number of Ethiopian soldiers were also said to have been killed on Thursday, with witnesses reporting some of the bodies were dragged through the streets.

"Whoever is doing this is not human. They have clearly never had a grandmother or children to think about"

Salado Yebarow,
Mogadishu resident

Ethiopia's information ministry had said in a statement broadcast on Ethiopian television, that its military had killed hundreds of armed opponents during a major offensive in the capital.

"Ethiopia has killed 200 armed remnants of the Islamic Courts Union and wounded many others," the statement said.

Somalia's envoy to Ethiopia told reporters on Friday that the attacks were only targeting "insurgent strongholds" in the capital where local elders had failed to convince fighters to disarm.

But most Mogadishu residents believed neither side was concerned for families caught in the crossfire.

"Whoever is doing this is not human. They have clearly never had a grandmother or children to think about," Yebarow said.

Governments play a "shameful role"

Meanwhile, an international rights organisation has accused the governments of Kenya, Ethiopia, Somalia and the US of secretly detaining hundreds of people fleeing the conflict in Somalia.

"Each of these governments has played a shameful role in mistreating people fleeing a war zone," Georgette Gagnon, deputy Africa director for Human Rights Watch (HRW), said on Saturday.

One resident said the city was being
"shelled indiscriminately"[AFP]
"Dozens of people have effectively disappeared into Ethiopian detention facilities.

"It's imperative that the Ethiopians acknowledge the people they are holding and permit independent international access to them."

HRW also said Kenya had arrested people fleeing violence in Somalia and detained some of them incommunicado and "secretly expelled" others.

"At least 85 people were then secretly deported from Kenya to Somalia in what appears to be a joint rendition operation," HRW said in its statement.

The rights group also said that "US security agents have routinely interrogated people held incommunicado".

HRW said the US and other national intelligence services interrogated several foreign nationals while they were being detained in Nairobi, Kenya's capital, where they were also denied access to legal counsel and their consular representatives.

Monday, March 19, 2007

American's jailing in Ethiopia raises questions about U.S. role

Posted on Fri, Mar. 16, 2007

EXCLUSIVE

By Jonathan S. Landay and Shashank Bengali
McClatchy Newspapers

NAIROBI, Kenya _ A U.S. citizen who was caught fleeing the recent fighting in Somalia was questioned about links to al Qaida by the FBI in Kenya, then secretly sent back to the war-ravaged country, where he was turned over to Ethiopian forces.

Amir Mohamed Meshal, 24, is now imprisoned in Ethiopia, where the State Department's 2006 human rights report says "conditions in prisons and pre-trial detention centers remain very poor" and "there were numerous credible reports that security officials often beat or mistreated detainees."

The fact that Meshal has landed in an Ethiopian prison without any semblance of due process raises new questions about what role the rule of law plays in the Bush administration's war on terrorism. Other suspected terrorists or "enemy combatants" have been exposed to extreme interrogation methods, secretly sent to countries that practice torture, held for extended periods without charges or lawyers, or put under surveillance without court warrants.

An American official who met Meshal in Kenya but wasn't authorized to discuss his case publicly told McClatchy Newspapers that the U.S. Embassy asked Kenya to release Meshal so he could return to the United States. There are no outstanding charges against Meshal, and U.S. law enforcement officials weren't planning to take him into custody, the official said.

“The Kenyan authorities decided otherwise. It’s not something we have control over,” the official said. State Department spokesman Tom Casey said the U.S. has protested Meshal's deportation.

Human rights groups in Kenya and the United States, however, disputed the contention that the U.S. was powerless to win Meshal’s release from Kenyan custody before he was deported.

“Anyone who tells you that the United States doesn’t have the clout to convince the Kenyans to return an American citizen is either misinformed or lying,” said John Sifton of Human Rights Watch, in New York.

Kenya and Ethiopia are key allies in the Bush administration's battle against Islamic extremism in Africa, and President Bush has requested a total of more than $1 billion in aid for the two countries in fiscal 2008, making them among the largest recipients of U.S. aid in Africa.

A spokesman for the Kenyan government didn't have any immediate comment.

Meshal's treatment contrasts sharply with that of four British citizens who were caught fleeing the fighting, and of Daniel Joseph Maldonado, another U.S. citizen who fled Somalia and was arrested for entering Kenya illegally.

The four Britons were turned over to British officials, sent home and freed after they were questioned. U.S. authorities obtained custody of Maldonado and his two children from Kenya, flew them back to the United States and charged him in Texas with undergoing military and bomb-making training with al Qaida in Somalia.

The difference, said two other U.S. officials who are familiar with the case but also weren't authorized to discuss it publicly, is that Maldonado quickly confessed to his involvement with al Qaida and Meshal didn't. So while Maldonado could be brought home and imprisoned until his trial, one of the officials said, there wasn't sufficient evidence to charge Meshal and keep him in jail in the United States.

Meshal's saga appears to have begun began late last year, when Ethiopia sent troops into Somalia to help crush the Islamic Courts Council, an alliance of militias that the Bush administration alleges is an al Qaida front. The administration backed the Ethiopian operation with training, intelligence, special forces, and aerial surveillance, and worked closely with Kenya, Ethiopia and the interim Somali government to capture suspected al Qaida members and other potential terrorists.

Meshal and Maldonado were among some 40 foreigners who fled the southern Somali city of Kismayo around Jan. 3, according to an account that one of the foreigners, a British national named Mohammed Ezzouek, gave to human rights groups in London.

They traveled by boat to the village of Ras Kamboni near the Kenyan border, but fled when it appeared that the village would come under attack, Ezzouek said. They walked for several days through forests and swamps, but when a battle erupted nearby, the group scattered and lost track of Meshal.

Meshal resurfaced around Jan. 24, when Kenyan authorities arrested him in the border village of Kiunga. He was taken to the capital, Nairobi, where he was booked on an immigration violation, according to U.S. officials in Kenya.

While Meshal was jailed in Kenya, he told other detainees and Muslim human rights activists who visited the group that FBI agents had threatened to send him back to Somalia if he didn’t admit he was an al Qaida member. Meshal said he was an American citizen from New Jersey, that he’d recently been in Dubai, and that he'd gone to Somalia to practice Islam under the Courts regime, which had imposed Islamic law on much of the country.

Meshal told the human rights activists that FBI agents drove him to a hotel in a U.S. Embassy car for an interview on Feb. 5. He said the agents told him to confess to being a member of al Qaida or they'd send him to Mogadishu, the Somali capital, according to Omar Mohammed of the Nairobi-based Muslim Human Rights Forum, who spoke regularly with Meshal in prison.

“He was informed that he was in a lawless country and had no right to legal representation,” Mohammed said. “He was being treated as a terrorist.”

Mohammed said that Meshal had told him that the FBI agents had showed him photos of several people and told him they'd been taken at terrorist training camps in Somalia. Meshal said that when he denied knowing the people, the agents threatened him with torture and said they’d come back the next day, according to Mohammed.

When they returned, however, the agents were friendly and didn’t repeat the torture threat, Meshal told Mohammed. That was the last Meshal reported being visited by the FBI.

Richard Kolko, an FBI spokesman in Washington, confirmed that FBI agents interviewed Meshal in Nairobi. But he said they never threatened him and said the bureau had informed his parents in Tinton Falls, N.J., of his whereabouts.

Other U.S. officials said that Meshal's allegations of threats and torture mirror the guidance in an Islamic extremist training manual that surfaced in England, and they said the agents who questioned him suspected that he'd received training in how to resist interrogation and what to tell human rights activists.

Meshal's father, Mohamed Meshal, declined to discuss the matter.

On Feb. 10, Kenyan authorities chartered an aircraft from Bluebird Aviation Co. to transport Meshal and at least 12 other prisoners to Baidoa, the headquarters of the interim Somali government.

Ezzouek and three other British citizens _ Reza Afsharzadagen, Hamza Chentouf and Shahajan Janjua _ also were on the Feb. 10 flight to Baidoa. Ezzouek told rights activists in London that when the plane landed in Baidoa, all the prisoners were led into an underground cell at a Somali military base.

“It was pitch black,” Ezzouek said. “There were water bottles down there to pee into. The floor was dusty and dirty. There were rats and cockroaches.”

After two or three days, Meshal and most of the other prisoners were taken out of the cell, leaving only the four British citizens, Ezzouek said. The next day, British diplomats arrived on a large military aircraft and transported the four prisoners via Nairobi to London, where they were questioned and later released.

Two U.S. officials in Washington, speaking on condition of anonymity, said Meshal was turned over to Ethiopian forces in Somalia and is being held in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. FBI agents began visiting him regularly last week, one of the officials said.

"We have only recently learned that Mr. Meshal is now in detention in Addis Ababa and will be seeking consular access to him," said State Department spokesman Casey.

The Ethiopian Embassy in Washington didn't respond to a request for comment.

(Bengali reported from Nairobi, Landay from Washington.)