Showing posts with label spying. Show all posts
Showing posts with label spying. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 25, 2007

Are Some of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence Members... SPIES?

Federal Probes Target Intelligence Lawmakers

April 24, 2007 9:18 AM

Justin Rood Reports:

Intel_committee_quad_nrWhen the FBI raided a business connected to Rep. Rick Renzi, R-Ariz., last week, the lawmaker joined a group that has sadly grown less exclusive in recent years: House intelligence committee members confirmed to be facing a federal criminal investigation.

Since 2005, four sitting members of the House panel entrusted with the nation's deepest secrets have come under FBI scrutiny.

The committee, known formally as the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence (HPSCI, for short), reviews classified budgets and operational plans for the CIA, the NSA and other so-called three-letter agencies.

Unlike nearly everyone else who works with the nation's deepest national security secrets, lawmakers on intelligence committees undergo no background checks, no polygraphs and no lifestyle audits. They are automatically waived in to review everything from secret satellite data to nuclear weapons intelligence.

"That means the people who serve on that committee have to have the highest integrity possible," said Vince Cannistraro, a former senior CIA official and case officer.

Following the FBI's raid last week on the offices of an insurance company owned by his wife, Renzi stepped down from the intelligence panel.

Whether or not the FBI finds any evidence of wrongdoing, experts say the recent probes are troubling.

"Name the one committee you don't want any corruption on," said Keith Ashdown of Taxpayers for Common Sense, a Washington, D.C.-based group which watchdogs congressional spending.

"There's a special obligation that comes with [serving on] that committee," Cannistraro concurred.

At least two investigations into HPSCI members have involved allegations of bribes-for-contracts schemes between lawmakers and intelligence contractors. Former California GOP Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham is in jail for taking millions in bribes in exchange for funneling government contracts.

Newly-elected Nevada governor and former Rep. Jim Gibbons, R-Nev., currently faces an investigation into whether he improperly helped a friend's contracting firm get business, payments and favored treatment from national security agencies and officials.

Through his lawyer, Gibbons has said he is confident "that all of this is going to be favorably resolved."

In Arizona, Renzi is suspected of taking a $200,000 payment from his business partner for using the power of his office to force the purchase of his business partner's land at an unreasonable price. Renzi has denied the charges and said the FBI raid on his wife's insurance business as "the first step toward getting the truth out."

In 2005, the FBI reportedly opened an investigation into whether Rep. Jane Harman, D-Calif., then the senior Democrat on the committee, cut an improper deal with a powerful pro-Israel lobbying group in exchange for supporting her bid to head the committee. Harman has denied wrongdoing, and the probe has reportedly stalled since failing to find evidence of wrongdoing.

Cannistraro, who once served as a clandestine CIA case officer in the Middle East and elsewhere, said it's painful for those who make careers out of learning and keeping the nation's secrets to hear stories of the corruption, both proven and alleged, that have recently dogged the very lawmakers to whom they entrust their secrets.

"They get disturbed by it," the 27-year CIA veteran told ABC News. "They're not in a position to tell the committee they can't have [certain] intelligence. It's theirs by statute."

Click here for Brian Ross & Investigative Team's Homepage

April 24, 2007 | Permalink | User Comments (11)

Monday, April 23, 2007

Israeli Spying on United States

Is Mainstream Corporate Media subverting the AIPAC Spy Trial?

4/21/2007 Opinion Essay

Graymail and Freedom of the Press

by Grant F. Smith

The Associated Press reported a major victory for defendants in the AIPAC espionage trial on April 17th, 2007. "Prosecutors suffered a setback yesterday in their case against two former pro-Israel lobbyists accused of violating the 1917 Espionage Act when a federal judge rejected the government's proposal for conducting much of the trial in secret." The presiding judge, T. S. Ellis III underscored the gravity of the situation. "If the prosecution decline[s] to submit any substitutions [for classified evidence] that you would ever make public, then maybe ... I have to decide whether to dismiss the indictment, if that's the case."

As various elements of the Israel lobby trumpet the ruling as a victory for free speech, it is useful to review not only the involvement of mainstream corporate media in trafficking classified information in the AIPAC espionage case, but also their past record on secret evidence in other high profile criminal cases.

Mainstream media's formal legal foray into the AIPAC case was triggered by a government motion. On February 16, 2007 federal prosecutors filed a "Classified Intelligence Procedures Act" (CIPA) motion with the contents sealed from public view. CIPA is an established process under which courts operate when classified information is expected to be used at trial. In response, defendants Rosen and Weissman filed a sealed motion to strike the CIPA requests and the government's motion to close the trial.

On March 13, 2007 attorney Jay Ward Brown filed a motion to intervene (PDF) and argue against the DOJ prosecutors' proposal to "limit public access to classified portions of the trial proceedings." Brown filed the motion on behalf of elite media clients including the Newspaper Guild, Communications Workers of America, Radio-Television News Directors Association, Reuters America LLC, Society of Professional Journalists, Time, Inc., The Washington Post, Hearst Corp., Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, ABC, Inc., American Society of Newspaper Editors, The Associated Press, Dow Jones & Company, Inc., and the Newspaper Association of America, Inc. The collective pressure and threat brought to bear on Judge T.S. Ellis was implicit in the motion: Any attempt to introduce classified evidence or protect sources and methods with closed proceedings would be widely reported on as Soviet era secrecy in a kangaroo court.

Titled an "Emergency Motion for Leave to Intervene", the filing sought to keep the trial completely open, ostensibly in the interest of press coverage. The motion also subtly expresses mainstream media preconceptions about the trial, stating in the filing the case is worth coverage because of the "unusual factual circumstances that gave rise to their (Rosen and Weissman) indictment" and that the case involves an "unprecedented application of the Espionage Act". The court docket (PDF) reveals this is only the latest skirmish in a legal battle that has been raging for well over a year and a half, though the trial is scheduled to begin on June 4, 2007.

On the surface this seems to be a triumph of a free press over government secrecy. However, the involvement of the elite media in the AIPAC espionage trial goes far beyond the motion or what they routinely report. A few of the same corporate news outlets filing the motion were willingly used by Weissman and Rosen to disseminate classified information to further AIPAC's policy objectives. On July 21, 2004, Weissman and Rosen called Washington Post reporter Glenn Kessler to pass information that they said was from "an American intelligence source". That source is now known to be Col. Lawrence Franklin, a DoD employee sentenced to 12 years in prison. The Israel lobbyists were hoping to influence US policy on Iran. In 2003 Rosen relayed classified information to Reuters correspondent Carol Giacomo and Washington Post reporter Michael Dobbs about the contents of confidential drafts of a US presidential directive advocating a more aggressive US posture toward Iran. Dobbs included the classified information in a story two weeks later.

Another AIPAC motion to intervene filer, the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, clarified the mainstream corporate media's collective desire to continue serving as a willing conduit for selectively released classified information, According to Lucy Dalglish, executive director of the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, "Journalists who cover national security and defense receive classified information all the time, It's virtually routine. If that were the standard for bringing an espionage case, we'd be locking up a lot of people in this town and there would be fewer sources of information."

Notwithstanding the press's apparent willingness to be used to further AIPAC or any other lobbies' policy objectives by selective disclosure of classified information, secrecy in trials raises questions. Does the elite media's own reporting record reveal a consistent industrywide commitment calling for disclosure of secret evidence in all high profile criminal trials? It does not.

The New York Times chided the Iran Contra trial defense of Oliver North in an article titled "North's Lawyers Trying to Derail Prosecutor's Plan" published in 1989. Reporter Michael Wines reported, "The Federal judge in the Iran-contra case today rejected the bulk of Oliver L. North's demand to use 30,000 pages of secret documents as evidence in his defense, accusing Mr. North of making the request in a calculated effort to 'frustrate the prosecution.''' Another AIPAC espionage motion filer, Time Inc., also had a different take on classified evidence in an earlier era. Time reporter George J. Church wrote in a piece called Top-Secret Strategy that the North defense appeals for public access to classified information was despicable "graymail". Church elaborated that, "North's strategy, it seems, is to threaten to disclose embarrassing secrets if the Government will not drop the trial. In the bitter words of Robin Ross, chief aide to Attorney General Thornburgh, 'This great American hero is graymailing the Government. This is the guy who stood up in his Marine Corps uniform and all his medals, and now he is sticking it to the Government with an advantage (knowledge of secrets) he got through service to his country.'"

What about spies for foreign countries like Russia? According to the case docket of FBI spy for Russia Robert Hanssen, the mainstream corporate press did not at any time file urgent briefs, even though the bulk of the evidence trafficked by Hanssen to be used against him in court would have been highly classified.

In the rarified world of elite mainstream corporate media, if a defendant like Oliver North attempts to introduce classified information as evidence, it is "graymail." If defendants Weissman and Rosen attempt to similarly force the revelation of classified information, possibly "outing" sources and methods used to protect the US against Israeli espionage, well that's simply freedom of the press. This double standard is unfortunate.

The stakes in the AIPAC espionage case could not be higher. The AIPAC espionage case, if it comes to trial, could redefine the role of lobbies, the mainstream press and think tanks operating in Washington, DC. It is not yet clear whether average Americans approve of Washington's hidden world of selective third party disclosure and trafficking in classified information. It is also not known whether selectively disclosed and leveraged classified information fed to the "free press" has played a wider, unknown role in promoting misguided war, wasteful military spending, and perpetuating the influence of the Israel lobby. The Washington Post's own Walter Pincus, who has been rather sloppy in bringing facts about the case to his readership, now gloats that the prosecution now has only two weeks to find effective substitutes for reams of classified transcripts. We must ask whether, thanks to the legal intervention of the elite mainstream corporate media, we will ever obtain the answers to dire and burning questions of public interest.

Monday, April 16, 2007

AMCHA files to join AIPAC case

This group and the defense are attempting blackmail. Under the pretense of free speech, the effort is to get the courtroom open so the defense can threaten to divulge state secrets, thereby hamstringing the prosecutors.

Another angle this slimy group is pursuing is the State is being anti-semetic. Putrid and disgusting, but typical of the Israel Lobby.

Related
Amcha: Secrecy May Turn Aipac Case Into Modern-Day Dreyfus Affair

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JTA

A Jewish organization has for the first time formally joined in a motion friendly to the defense of two former AIPAC staffers facing classified information leak charges.

A Jewish organization has for the first time formally joined in a motion friendly to the defense of two former AIPAC staffers facing classified information leak charges.

AMCHA, headed by activist Rabbi Avi Weiss, filed a motion Wednesday to join a friend of the court brief by a number of large media groups seeking to keep the prosecution from concealing from the public evidence presented to the jury. Much of the evidence in the case against Steve Rosen, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee's former foreign policy chief, and Keith Weissman, its former Iran analyst, has been gathered through eavesdropping; the two-year delay in the trial, set now to begin June 4, is due in large part to sorting through which evidence may be declassified as evidence.

Judge T.S. Ellis III's tendency to favor the defense in some instances has led the prosecution to ask for evidence to be obscured from the public, if not the jury. A number of major media outlets, including ABC, the Associated Press and the Washington Post, and First Amendment defense groups have joined the defense in challenging the prosecution's request.

"The American Jewish community has a special and compelling interest in ensuring that all of the evidence presented in the trial against Messrs. Rosen and Weissman be available to the public for review and scrutiny," says the AMCHA filing.

Other Jewish groups have taken pains to distance themselves from the case; AIPAC has fired Rosen and Weissman, and the Anti-Defamation League and B'nai B'rith International have reportedly refused to cooperate with the defense.

Ellis will hear arguments Monday.

Saturday, April 7, 2007

Land of the free, home of the War on Terrorism

April 6, 2007

by William Blum

"They told us this was one of the world's worst terrorists, and he got the sentence of a drunken driver," said Ben Wizner, an attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union, referring to David Hicks, a 31-year-old Australian who in a plea bargain with a US military court will serve nine months in prison, largely in Australia. That's after five years at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba without being charged with a crime, without a trial, without a conviction. Under the deal, Hicks agreed not to talk to reporters for one year (a slap in the face of free speech), to forever waive any profit from telling his story (a slap -- mon Dieu! -- in the face of free enterprise), to submit to US interrogation and testify at future US trials or international tribunals (an open invitation to the US government to hound the young man for the rest of his life), to renounce any claims of mistreatment or unlawful detention (a requirement which would be unconstitutional in a civilian US court).

"If the United States were not ashamed of its conduct, it wouldn't hide behind a gag order," said Wizner.)[1]

Like so many other "terrorists" held by the United States in recent years, Hicks had been "sold" to the American military for a bounty offered by the US, a phenomenon repeated frequently in Afghanistan and Pakistan. US officials had to know that once they offered payments to a very poor area to turn in bodies that almost anyone was fair game.

Other "terrorists" have been turned in as reprisals for all sorts of personal hatreds and feuds.

Many others -- abroad and in the United States -- have been incarcerated by the United States simply for working for, or merely contributing money to, charitable organizations with alleged or real ties to a "terrorist organization", as determined by a list kept by the State Department, a list conspicuously political.

It was recently disclosed that an Iraqi resident of Britain is being released from Guantánamo after four years. His crime? He refused to work as an informer for the CIA and MI5, the British security service. His business partner is still being held in Guantánamo, for the same crime.[2]

Finally, there are those many other poor souls who have been picked up simply for being in the wrong place at the wrong time. "Most of these guys weren't fighting. They were running," General Martin Lucenti, former deputy commander of Guantánamo, has pointed out.[3]

Thousands of people thrown into hell on earth for no earthly good reason. The world media has been overflowing with their individual tales of horror and sadness for five very long years. Said Guantánamo's former commander, General Jay Hood: "Sometimes we just didn't get the right folks."[4] Not that the torture they were put through would be justified if they were in fact "the right folks".

Hicks was taken into custody in Afghanistan in 2001. He was a convert to Islam and like many others from many countries had gone to Afghanistan for religious reasons, had wound up on the side of the Taliban in the civil war that had been going on since the early 1990s, and had received military training at a Taliban camp. The United States has insisted on calling such camps "terrorist training camps", or "anti-American terrorist training camps", or "al-Qaeda terrorist training camps". Almost every individual or group not in love with US foreign policy, which Washington wants to stigmatize, is charged with being associated with, or being a member of, al Qaeda, as if there's a precise and meaningful distinction between people retaliating against American imperialism while being a member of al Qaeda and retaliating against American imperialism while NOT being a member of al Qaeda; as if al Qaeda gives out membership cards to fit into your wallet, as if there are chapters of al Qaeda that put out a weekly newsletter and hold a potluck on the first Monday of each month.

It should be noted that for nearly half a century much of southern Florida has been one big training camp for anti-Castro terrorists. None of their groups -- which have carried out many hundreds of serious terrorist acts in the US as well as abroad, including bombing a passenger airplane in flight -- are on the State Department list. Nor were the Contras of Nicaragua in the 1980s, heavily supported by the United States, about whom former CIA Director Stansfield Turner testified: "I believe it is irrefutable that a number of the Contras' actions have to be characterized as terrorism, as State-supported terrorism."[5] The same applies to groups in Kosovo and Bosnia, with close ties to al Qaeda, including Osama bin Laden, in the recent past, but which have allied themselves with Washington's agenda in the former Yugoslavia since the 1990s. Now we learn of US support for a Pakistani group, called Jundullah and led by a Taliban, which has taken responsibility for the recent kidnapings and deaths and of more than a dozen Iranian soldiers and officials in cross-border attacks.[6] Do not hold your breath waiting for the name Jundallah to appear on the State Department list of terrorist organizations; nor any of the several other ethnic militias being supported by the CIA to carry out terrorist bombing and assassination attacks in Iran.[7]

The same political selectivity applies to many of the groups which are on the list, particularly those opposed to American or Israeli policies.

Amid growing pressure from their home countries and international human rights advocates, scores of Guantánamo detainees have been quietly repatriated in the past three years. Now, a new analysis by lawyers who have represented detainees at this 21st century Devil's Island says this policy undermines Washington's own claims about the threat posed by many of the prison camp's residents. The report, based on US government case files for Saudi detainees sent home over the past three years, shows inmates being systematically freed from custody within weeks of their return. In half the cases studied, the detainees had been turned over to US forces by Pakistani police or troops in return for financial rewards. Many others were accused of terrorism connections in part because their Arab nicknames matched those found in a computer database of al-Qaeda members, documents show. In December, a survey by the Associated Press found that 84 percent of released detainees -- 205 out of 245 individuals whose cases could be tracked -- were set free after being released to the custody of their native countries.

"There are certainly bad people in Guantánamo Bay, but there are also other cases where it's hard to understand why the people are still there," said Anant Raut, co-author of the report, who has visited the detention camp three times. "We were struggling to find some rationality, something to comfort us that it wasn't just random. But we didn't find it."

The report states that many of the US attempts to link the detainees to terrorism groups were based on evidence the authors describe as circumstantial and "highly questionable", such as the travel routes the detainees had followed in flying commercially from one Middle East country to another. American officials have associated certain travel routes with al Qaeda, when in fact, says the report, the routes "involve ordinary connecting flights in major international airports." With regard to accusations based on similar names, the report states: "This accusation appears to be based upon little more than similarities in the transliterations of a detainee's name and a name found on one of the hard drives."

Raut said he was most struck by the high percentage of Saudi detainees who had been captured and turned over by Pakistani forces. In effect, he said, for at least half of the group in the study, the United States "had no first-hand knowledge of their activities" in Afghanistan before their capture and imprisonment.[8]

When Michael Scheuer, former CIA officer who headed the Agency's Osama bin Laden unit, was told that the largest group in Guantánamo came from custody in Pakistan, he said: "We absolutely got the wrong people."[9]

Never mind. They were all treated equally. All thrown into solitary confinement. Shackled, blindfolded, excruciating physical contortions for long periods, denied medicine. Sensory deprivation, sleep deprivation. And two dozen other methods of torture which American officials do not call torture. (If you torture these officials, they might admit that it "torture lite".)

"The idea is to build an antiterrorist global environment," a senior American defense official said in 2003, "so that in 20 to 30 years, terrorism will be like slave-trading, completely discredited."[10]

When will the dropping of bombs on innocent civilians by the United States, and invading and occupying their country, without their country attacking or threatening the US, become completely discredited? When will the use of depleted uranium and cluster bombs and CIA torture renditions become things that even men like George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, and Donald Rumsfeld will be too embarrassed to defend?

Australian/British journalist John Pilger has noted that in George Orwell's 1984 "three slogans dominate society: war is peace, freedom is slavery and ignorance is strength. Today's slogan, war on terrorism, also reverses meaning. The war is terrorism."


Throwing the earth on the mercy of the market

Al Gore appeared before a House Energy and Commerce Committee hearing on global warming on March 21. The star of "An Inconvenient Truth" was told by Cong. Joe Barton of Texas: "You're not just off a little -- you're totally wrong." In the afternoon Gore testified before the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee, during which the former vice president was told by Sen. James Inhofe of Oklahoma: "You've been so extreme in some of your expressions that you're losing some of your own people."[11]

These members of Congress know the facts of economic life in the United States. Fighting global warming is a threat to the principal human generator of it -- corporations -- who avail themselves of the best congress members money can buy to keep government regulations as weak as can be.

Does Al Gore know the same facts of American economic life? Of course, but you would have a hard time discerning that from his film. It's as cowardly in dealing with the corporations as Gore was in fighting the theft of the 2000 election. In the film's hour and a half, the words "corporations" or "profit" are not heard. The closest he comes to ascribing a link between the rape of the environment and the incessant corporate drive to optimize profits is a single passing mention of American automakers' reluctance to increase car gas mileage. He discusses the link between tobacco and lung cancer, as an example of how we have to "connect the dots" on environmental issues, with no mention of the tobacco corporations or their gross and deliberate deception of the American people. He states at another point that we must choose the environment over the economy, without any elucidation at all. Otherwise, the film's message is that it's up to the individual to change his habits, to campaign for renewable energy, and to write his congress member about this or that. In summary, the basic problem, he tells us, is that we're lacking "political will".

It would be most interesting if Al Gore were the president to see how tough he'd get with the corporations, which every day, around the clock, are faced with choices: one method of operation available being the least harmful to the environment, another method being the least harmful to the bottom line. Of course, Gore was vice-president for eight years and was in a fantastic and enviable position to pressure the corporations to mend their ways and Congress to enact tougher regulations; as well as to educate the public on more than their own bad habits. But what exactly did he do? Can any readers enlighten me as to what extent the man used his position and his power then in a manner consistent with the image and the word of his new film?

But could Gore be elected without corporate money? And how much of that money would reach his pocket if he advocated (choke, gasp!) free government-paid public transportation -- rail, bus, ferry, etc.? That would give birth to a breathtaking -- or rather, breath enhancing -- reduction in automobile pollution; easily paid for by ceasing America's imperialist wars.


Microsoft and the National Security Agency

I have long felt that the American media's gravest shortcoming is its errors of omission, rather than its errors of commission. It's what they leave out that distorts the news more than any factual errors or out-and-out lies. In January the Washington Post reported that Microsoft had announced that its new operating system, Vista, was being brought to us with the assistance of the National Security Agency. The NSA said it helped to protect the operating system from worms, Trojan horses and other insidious computer attackers. "Our intention is to help everyone with security," said the NSA's chief of vulnerability analysis and operations group. The spy agency, which provided its service free, said it was Microsoft's idea to acknowledge NSA's role, although the software giant declined to be specific about NSA's contributions to Vista.[12]

What the Post -- and most likely the entirety of mainstream American media -- do not remind us of is what came out in 1999 and 2000, although it's all over the Internet.

In September 1999, leading European investigative reporter Duncan Campbell revealed that NSA had arranged with Microsoft to insert special "keys" into Windows operating systems, beginning with Windows 95. An American computer scientist, Andrew Fernandez of Cryptonym in North Carolina, had disassembled parts of the Windows instruction code and found the smoking gun -- Microsoft's developers had failed to remove the debugging symbols used to test this software before they released it. Inside the code were the labels for two keys. One was called "KEY". The other was called "NSAKEY". Fernandez presented his finding at a conference at which some Windows developers were also in attendance. The developers did not deny that the NSA key was built into their software, but they refused to talk about what the key did, or why it had been put there without users' knowledge. Fernandez says that NSA's "back door" in the world's most commonly used operating system makes it "orders of magnitude easier for the US government to access your computer."[13]

In February 2000, it was disclosed that the Strategic Affairs Delegation (DAS), the intelligence arm of the French Defense Ministry, had prepared a report in 1999 which also asserted that NSA had helped to install secret programs in Microsoft software. According to the DAS report, "it would seem that the creation of Microsoft was largely supported, not least financially, by the NSA, and that IBM was made to accept the [Microsoft] MS-DOS operating system by the same administration." The report stated that there had been a "strong suspicion of a lack of security fed by insistent rumours about the existence of spy programmes on Microsoft, and by the presence of NSA personnel in Bill Gates' development teams." Microsoft categorically denied all the charges and the French Defense Ministry said that it did not necessarily stand by the report, which was written by "outside experts".[14]

In case the above disturbs your image of Bill Gates and his buddies as a bunch of long-haired, liberal, peacenik computer geeks, and the company as one of the non-military-oriented halfway decent corporations, the DAS report states that the Pentagon at the time was Microsoft's biggest client in the world. The Israeli military has also been an important client. In 2002, the company erected enormous billboards in Israel which bore the Microsoft logo under the text "From the depth of our heart -- thanks to The Israeli Defense Forces", with the Israeli national flag in the background.[15]


The Myth of the Good War
Readers of this report will be aware that one of the points I try very hard to convey is that the reason so many Americans support US atrocities abroad is that they're convinced that no matter how bad things may look, the government means well. American leaders may make mistakes, they may blunder, they may lie, they may even on the odd occasion cause more harm than good, but they do mean well. Their intentions are honorable. Of that most Americans are certain. And one of the foundation stones for this edifice of patriotic faith is the Second World War, an historical saga that all Americans are taught about from childhood on. We all know what its real name is: "The Good War".

Which leads me to recommend a book, "The Myth of the Good War", by Jacques Pauwels, published in 2002. It's very well done, well argued and documented, an easy read. I particularly like the sections dealing with the closing months of the European campaign, during which the United States and Great Britain contemplated stabbing their Soviet ally in the back with maneuvers like a separate peace with Germany, using German troops to fight the Russians, and sabotaging legal attempts by various Communist Parties and other elements of the European left to share in (highly earned) political power after the war. This last piece of sabotage was of course very effectively realized. Stalin learned enough about these schemes to at least partially explain his post-war suspicious manner toward his "allies". In the West we called it "paranoia".[16]


NOTES

[1] Seattle Times, March 31, 2007

[2] Washington Post, March 30, 2007, p.11

[3] Financial Times (London), Oct 4, 2004

[4] Wall Street Journal, January 26, 2005

[5] Testimony before the House Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs, April 16, 1985

[6] ABC News, April 3, 2007

[7] Sunday Telegraph (London), February 25, 2007

[8] Washington Post, March 18, 2007

[9] Richard Ackland, "Innocence ignored at Guantanamo", Sydney Morning Herald, February 24, 2006.

[10] New York Times, January 17, 2003, p.10

[11] Washington Post, March 22, 2007, p.2

[12] Washington Post, January 9, 2007. p.D1

[13] Duncan Campbell's article of September 3, 1999 can be found on the website of TechWeb: http://www.techweb.com/wire/29110640

[14] Agence France Presse, February 18 and 21, 2000

[15] To see one of the billboards: www.inminds.co.uk/boycott-news-0022.html

[16] http://www.alys.be/pauwels/2publi_the_myth.htm
Available in English, Spanish, French, German, Italian, and Dutch editions


William Blum is the author of:
Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Interventions Since World War 2
Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower
West-Bloc Dissident: A Cold War Memoir
Freeing the World to Death: Essays on the American Empire
Portions of the books can be read, and signed copies purchased, at
Previous Anti-Empire Reports can be read at this website.

Thursday, April 5, 2007

Freed UK Marine Captain: We Were Spying on the Iranians

Breaking News
Captain Chris Air
Captain Chris Air

'We Gathered Intelligence'

Updated: 18:18, Thursday April 05, 2007

The captain in charge of the 15 marines detained in Iran has said they were gathering intelligence on the Iranians.

Sky News went on patrol with Captain Chris Air and his team in Iraqi waters close to the area where they were arrested - just five days before the crisis began.

We withheld the interview until now so it would not jeopardise their safety.

And today, former Iranian diplomat Dr Mehrdad Khonsari said if the Iranians had known about it, they would have used it to "justify taking the marines captive and put them on trial".

Captain Air and his team were on an 'Interaction Patrol' where their patrol boats came alongside fishing dhows.

The operation was mainly to investigate arms smuggling and terrorism but Captain Air said it was also to gain intelligence on Iranian activity.

Home after their ordeal - the sailors land back in Britain
Home after their ordeal - the sailors land back in Britain

He told Sky Correspondent Jonathan Samuels: "Basically we speak to the crew, find out if they have any problems, let them know we're here to protect them, protect their fishing and stop any terrorism and piracy in the area," he said.

"Secondly, it's to gather int (intelligence). If they do have any information, because they're here for days at a time, they can share it with us.

"Whether it's about piracy or any sort of Iranian activity in the area. Obviously we're right by the buffer zone with Iran."

The UK Defence Secretary Des Browne told Sky News it was important to gather intelligence to "keep our people safe".

He said: "Modern military operations all have an element of gathering intelligence.

"We need to understand as much as we can about the environment we operate in and intelligence gathering is an every day part of that."

He added: "The UN mandate would clearly empower the military taskforce to gather information about the environment in which they were working."

Captain Air said that fishing dhows had been robbed by Iranian soldiers on a number of occasions.

"It's good to gather int on the Iranians," he said.

Fifteen sailors and marines were taken captive nearly two weeks ago after the Iranian government claimed they had strayed into their waters.

More on This Story:

Aipac Prosecution: Limited Access Is Constitutional: Claim Defense Attempting Graymail

Related
Graymail - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Graymail is the threatened revelation of state secrets, in order to manipulate legal proceedings.

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April 5, 2007 Edition > Section: National

BY JOSH GERSTEIN - Staff Reporter of the Sun

April 5, 2007

A government proposal to limit public access to evidence in the trial of two pro-Israel lobbyists is constitutional and represents a reasonable attempt to safeguard classified information, prosecutors argued in a brief filed last week in federal court in Virginia.

The prosecution rejected claims by attorneys for the two lobbyists, Steven Rosen and Keith Weissman, that giving jurors headphones to listen to recordings not played aloud in the courtroom would violate the Sixth Amendment guarantee to a public trial.

"This will not be a ‘secret trial.' The government has a strong interest in ensuring that the defendants' conduct in this case, their conspiracy to obtain and disclose our nation's secrets is presented in open court," prosecutors wrote in a 30-page brief filed last week. The prosecution said it planned to release edited tapes or transcripts of the intercepted conversations and to give the public summaries or "substitutions" for the deleted materials.

Messrs. Rosen and Weissman, who worked for the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, are charged with conspiring to obtain closely held national security information and to distribute it to American reporters and foreign diplomats. The case has prompted concern among press advocates, who contend that there is little functional difference between what the lobbyists allegedly did and what many journalists do on a daily basis.

The defense has objected to the procedures as unconstitutional and unworkable. News organizations are also resisting any effort to draw a curtain of secrecy around the trial, which is set to begin in June.

At a hearing last month, Judge Thomas Ellis III said the government's proposal was unusual, to say the least. "As far as I'm aware … there is no precedent for this procedure," the judge said. He also indicated that the volume of information the government was seeking to withhold or replace could be a problem if it is not whittled down.

A law professor and longtime press advocate, Jane Kirtley of the University of Minnesota, took issue with the government's claim that a trial is public even when those in the gallery can't follow the proceedings. "Just letting everyone into the courtroom is going to be of marginal utility if they can't hear anything," she said.

An attorney who specializes in classified evidence procedures, John Cline, said he is dubious about an aspect of the government's plan that calls for the use of special codes during questioning and cross-examination of witnesses. "You just can't do that if you've got a system of codes and numbers replacing people and letters replacing places," he said. "Even if the jury can follow along because they've got the key, it just becomes incomprehensible."

Mr. Cline said the restrictions could also make a defendant or another witness look shifty when he is just trying to obey the restrictions. "If he's got to talk in code or follow a script that the government or the judge approved … it makes it difficult for the jury to assess his credibility," the attorney said.

The government's filing notes that procedures issued by Chief Justice Burger in 1981 indicate that jurors may have access to classified evidence and that, after a trial concludes, judges can give jurors a "cautionary instruction" against disclosing classified information.

In the Aipac case, the jury-related issues could be particularly tricky. Telling jurors in advance that they might be sworn to secrecy could undercut the defense's argument that the information is innocuous. Telling them afterward could be seen as unfair.

"The general notion that you can retroactively gag someone is not something that has a lot of currency in U.S. law," Ms. Kirtley observed.

Prosecutors contend that the defense's objections amount to "graymail," a practice by which defendants try to undercut the prosecution by threatening the disclosure of highly classified information.

Fired Worker Claims Wal-Mart Spy Operation

Updated:2007-04-04 23:59:08

By MARCUS KABEL

Reuters

BENTONVILLE, Arkansas (April 5) - A fired Wal-Mart technician alleged the world's largest retailer has been spying on its workers, critics, vendors and consultants. The company defended its security practices.

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Wal-Mart declined to comment on specific allegations made by 19-year veteran Bruce Gabbard to the Wall Street Journal in a report published Wednesday. Wal-Mart reiterated that it had fired Gabbard, 44, and his supervisor last month for violating company policy by recording phone calls and intercepting pager messages.

"Like most major corporations, it is our corporate responsibility to have systems in place, including software systems, to monitor threats to our network, intellectual property and our people," Wal-Mart spokeswoman Sarah Clark said.

Gabbard was fired after recording phone calls to and from a New York Times reporter and intercepting pager messages.

Wal-Mart made the case public last month and denied Gabbard's claims that his actions were the result of pressure from Kenneth Senser, a former senior CIA and FBI official who has headed Wal-Mart's office of global security since 2003. Another FBI veteran, Joseph Lewis, is head of corporate investigations under Senser.

Gabbard did not work for Senser's department, although the company and others familiar with the case said Senser has the authority to work with staff from other divisions in carrying out investigations. Gabbard has said he felt pressured by Senser to find information leaks, while Wal-Mart has denied that those conversations alleged by Gabbard took place.

Gabbard and his former supervisor, Jason Hamilton, who was also fired, have declined repeated requests from The Associated Press to talk about their security activities.

But in a text message to The Associated Press Wednesday, Gabbard confirmed the allegations that he was part of a broader surveillance operation approved by the company. The team, the Threat Research and Analysis Group, was a unit of Wal-Mart's Information Systems Division.

"I can confirm everything in the WSJ story is correct except the glass wall comment which I didn't make," Gabbard wrote, referring to a description of the Threat Group's glass-enclosed work area at Wal-Mart's Bentonville, Arkansas, headquarters.

Wal-Mart's Clark noted that the company had self-reported the issue to federal prosecutors to determine if any laws had been broken.

Wal-Mart's union-backed critics, whom Gabbard identified as among the surveillance targets, accused the retailer of being "paranoid, childish and desperate."

"They should stop playing with spy toys and take the criticism of their business model seriously. The success of the company depends on it," said Nu Wexler, spokesman for Wal-Mart Watch. According to the Wall Street Journal report, the company found personal photos of Wexler and tracked his plans to attend Wal-Mart's annual meeting.

Gabbard told the newspaper that Wal-Mart sent an employee to infiltrate an anti-Wal-Mart group to learn if it was going to protest at the annual shareholders' meeting and investigated McKinsey & Co. employees it believed leaked a memo about Wal-Mart's health care plans.

The company also used software programs to read e-mails sent by workers using private e-mail accounts whenever they were hooked up to the Wal-Mart computer network, he said.

Gabbard told the Journal he recorded the calls to the New York Times reporter on his own, but added many of his activities were approved by Wal-Mart. The Journal said other employees and security firms confirmed parts of his account.

Clark said she could not comment on Gabbard's claim of blanket approval because "that's a pretty broad statement. We wouldn't be able to comment on that without knowing the details he's referring to."

Clark said the Threat Research group is no longer operating in the same manner that it did prior to the discovery of the unauthorized recording of telephone conversations.

AP Business Writer Anne D'Innocenzio in New York contributed to this report.

Wednesday, April 4, 2007

First They Came for the Spies: Why is the Wall Street Journal in favor of espionage?

April 4, 2007

by Justin Raimondo

The title of Dorothy Rabinowitz's Wall Street Journal screed defending two accused spies, "First They Came for the Jews," telegraphs the strategy apologists for Steve Rosen and Keith Weissman will be using when the two AIPAC officials' trial on charges of espionage, scheduled for June 4, finally begins. It is also a smear so outrageous it almost defies belief. What that headline communicates is the warped conception that the U.S. government, in prosecuting two prominent lobbyists on behalf of Israel for handing over sensitive classified information to Israeli officials, is the equivalent of the Nazi regime. What's next – the WSJ editorially attacking "Bushitler"?

Rosen, long the spark plug of AIPAC's very effective lobbying efforts, and Weissman, AIPAC's Iran specialist, are charged with espionage on Israel's behalf: here is the indictment. It shows that Rosen and Weissman weren't just "ordinary citizens," as Rabinowitz characterizes them, or even just high-powered lobbyists, acting, as is their right, to influence government policy. They were the leaders of a spy ring that was in the business of gathering classified information from their sources inside the U.S. government and feeding it to Israeli officials – a business that attracted the attention of the FBI's counterintelligence unit way back in 1999, when, according to the indictment:

"Rosen had a conversation with Foreign Official 1 (FO-1) and told FO-1 that he (Rosen) had 'picked up alt extremely sensitive piece of intelligence' which Rosen described as codeword protected intelligence. Rosen then disclosed to FO-1 national defense information concerning terrorist activities in Central Asia."

At the same time, Rosen also got his hot little hands on a "secret FBI, classified FBI report" – in Rosen's own secretly-recorded words – about the Khobar Towers terrorist attack, which he claimed he had received from U.S. government officials. Rosen also fed favored media outlets with the fruits of his labors, leaking the Khobar Towers intelligence to a friendly reporter. Rosen, in short, had been the object of the FBI's attention for some time, and that presumably included the organization he worked for and did so much to build up as one of the most powerful – and feared – lobbies in Washington.

The indictment outlines a series of meetings between Rosen and at least two unidentified U.S. government officials – since identified as David Satterfield and Kenneth Pollack – in which the man who built AIPAC into a lobbying powerhouse turned his organization into a transmission belt that routinely moved classified information from Washington to Tel Aviv. Rabinowitz doesn't mention any of this: instead, she merely says Rosen was "for some time the object of FBI surveillance." The observant reader will surely ask, "And why was that?"

Apparently Rabinowitz doesn't care about those particular readers, however, and is, instead, preaching to the choir: Israel's amen corner in the U.S. This is a group, one suspects, that, if Israel launched air strikes against the continental U.S. tomorrow, would rationalize it without even blinking.

For the rest of us, however, Rabinowitz's long narrative positing a Justice Department conspiracy to get "the Jews" is as wacky as one of Lyndon LaRouche's convoluted conspiracy theories involving the Queen of England, Felix Rohatyn, Satan, and the drug trade.

To begin with, Rabinowitz claims the AIPAC duo were "entrapped in a sting," but the reality is quite different. Yes, top Pentagon analyst Larry Franklin – after being confronted by the FBI and threatened with a long jail sentence – did wear a wire when offering Rosen and Weissman top secret information, which he took care to inform them might get them all "in trouble" if the authorities got wind of it. Yet it was Rosen who first sought out Franklin. "On or about August 5," the indictment states, Rosen called one of his Pentagon contacts, identified only as "DoD employee A," and asked for someone in OSD-ISA "with an expertise in Iran." Rosen's contact suggested Larry Franklin, described by Rabinowitz as "a staunch patriot." In light of what happened next, however, one has to ask: a patriot of which country?

Rabinowitz claims "the centerpiece of the indictment to come concerned his disclosures to Steve Rosen about an internal policy document on Iran, which, the government alleged, was classified," but this memo, reportedly a draft of a policy paper on Iran, is hardly the most sensitive and interesting in a long list of intelligence tidbits Rosen and Weissman transmitted to their Israeli handlers. These include U.S. intelligence concerning the activities of al Qaeda, Iranian development of WMD, and, significantly, Iranian designs on U.S. troops in Iraq – precisely the issue that has the potential to drive us into another war in the Middle East.

That the AIPAC defendants will be brought to trial just as the provocations directed at Iran reach a crescendo will, one hopes, draw more attention to this legal proceeding than has heretofore been the case. It is at least as important as the trial of Scooter Libby, which was likened, by Chris Matthews, to the trial of Alger Hiss. I would contend that the prosecution of the AIPAC defendants is much closer to the Hiss case. After all, Libby wasn't charged with being a foreign agent, unless one considers neoconservatives to be in that category by definition. Rosen and Weissman, however, acted as agents of a foreign power, milking Franklin – who had a storehouse of classified top secret documents stashed away in his home – for all he was worth.

This relationship is characterized by Rabinowitz as "the sympathetic bond (characterized as a conspiracy in the government's indictment) between the Pentagon analyst and the AIPAC employees." Yes, very much like the sympathetic bond between the KGB, Alger Hiss, and the rather extensive Soviet spy network in Washington.

Rabinowitz brings up all kinds of diversionary issues: she's angry that Sandy Berger got away with a slap on the wrist for taking classified documents, and she points to another investigation (not into any pro-Israel lobbying group) undertaken by the FBI's counterintelligence unit that didn't pan out – which is relevant exactly how? Well, you see, it's the same FBI unit that went after Rosen and Weissman, and after all, these are the same guys who failed to catch Robert Hanssen. The only response is so what? And one hastens to remind Rabinowitz that Berger didn't hand over his purloined papers to a foreign power.

Backed into a corner, the Amen Corner bares its fangs – but their problem is that they truly are backed up against the wall by the sheer preponderance of physical evidence against the AIPAC defendants, including audio recordings and photographs, that captures their treason in its entirety. Faced with the dire prospect of such an embarrassing exposure, one that details AIPAC's activities as a fifth column for Israel all the way back to the Clinton administration, the Lobby is not above invoking the Holocaust in defense of its spies. And that's just a taste of the tactics we ought to expect from the AIPAC spy ring's ardent defenders in the weeks to come.

The charge of anti-Semitism is the first and last resort of the Lobby whenever its role as an agent of a foreign power is questioned, or even raised. AIPAC has fiercely resisted any effort to compel it to register under the Foreign Agents Registration Act, yet this trial will demonstrate that AIPAC, under Rosen's forceful and very successful tutelage, acted as an arm of the Israeli government – and of one agency of that government in particular. This accounts for the desperation in Rabinowitz's authorial voice as she attempts to downplay the weight of the evidence against her two favorite spies. Her whole piece is a riff on victimological whining, and she delivers a virtuoso performance:

"News of the spy story, it was clear, had brought new life to the obsessed. From quarters of the left and right, and not infrequently the mainstream media came, now, daily rumblings about the spy for Israel, his ties to neoconservatives in the administration, the influence and machinations of the neocons, their effort to push the war in Iraq. More than a few of these meditations on Israel, AIPAC and the power of the neocons bore a strong resemblance to a kind of letter that occasionally shows up in journalists' mailboxes. The sort that bring punctiliously drawn diagrams, cosmic in scope, with endless tiny boxes, and tinier labels, handprinted with a concentration only the deranged can summon, all intended to illustrate the sinister interconnectedness among certain institutions and persons – the president, the Pope, CIA, World Bank, the Association for Dental Implants and so on."

The poor woman is living in an alternate universe if she still gets mail like that from the postman. However, you don't need any diagrams to see the connections between the machinations of the neoconservatives, such as convicted spy Franklin, and the activities of Rosen and Weissman: simply read the indictment, which details how the Franklin-Rosen-Weissman spy ring sneaked around and fully acted out their parts as spies, as if they were actors in a low-budget thriller. A favorite rendezvous point for the spy ring was Union Station in Washington, such as "on or about March 10, 2003," when Franklin, Rosen, and Weissman met "early in the morning. In the course of the meeting, the three men moved from one restaurant to another restaurant and then finished the meeting in an empty restaurant."

Gee, they must've been really hungry, but then again, my mother always told me to eat a big breakfast, because you never know what challenges may lie ahead of you each day. This advice goes double for spies. With all that running around, ferrying classified documents and meeting their Israeli handlers, then running back to Franklin for more vital American secrets – it's the kind of frenetic activity that eats up a lot of calories.

How Rabinowitz and her cohorts in the Rosen-Weissman fan club are going to spin the evidence that shows their heroes slinking guiltily around Washington, making sure they aren't followed as they whisper secrets in the shadows, is anybody's guess. My guess is that they'll take their lead from the WSJ's headline-writer and, before it's over, will be likening the prosecution of Rosen and Weissman to the persecution of Alfred Dreyfus.

The problem with this line of attack is that, aside from denying the massive amount of physical evidence arrayed against the defendants, it assumes a gigantic anti-Semitic conspiracy existing inside the Justice Department – and higher up – intent on pulling off a political pogrom in Washington. It's a crazy idea: if anything, the Justice Department has been soft on AIPAC, assuring its leadership that they aren't prosecuting the organization itself. Whether the trial will ultimately result in AIPAC being forced to register as a foreign agent, however, remains to be seen.

That this is even a possibility has the Amen Corner in a lather, as Rabinowitz's fulmination attests. Her piece repeats two key themes of the defense: (1) Rosen and Weissman are guilty of "activities that go on every day in Washington, and that are clearly protected under the First Amendment," and (2) Rosen and Weissman aren't getting a fair trial, a charge based on the government's request that some of the testimony and evidence be kept out of the public domain.

This second objection is quite interesting because it reveals the depth and breadth of the Israelis' penetration of U.S. secrets. That is why some evidence can only be summarized, including recordings of conversations, and some testimony will have to be taken in secret. Rabinowitz complains the ACLU is so concerned about the nonexistent rights of Gitmo prisoners that the dilemma of a couple of American-born Mossad agents who can't get a square deal somehow escapes their attention. It must be anti-Semitism.

The defense appears to be blackmailing the government, or trying to do so. Apparently Rosen and Weissman had access to such prized secrets that the act of prosecuting the two of them in open court would endanger our national security – in this sense, the vastness of their crime acts as a protective shield. That the government went ahead and charged them anyway is an indication that the damage they caused is quite serious.

The Israel Lobby is openly using its muscle to gin up a U.S. confrontation with Iran. That they would seek to penetrate the councils of state in order to do it hardly seems incredible, and appears not to involve the Pope, the CIA, the World Bank, or even the Association for Dental Implants. What it does involve, however, is a network of neoconservative ideologues, such as Franklin, centered in the policy shop of former undersecretary of defense Doug Feith, who apparently engaged in a number of extralegal activities in league with foreign agents – involving not only Israel but also the cadre of Iraqi exiles around Ahmed Chalabi.

The defenders of Rosen and Weissman argue that this is a First Amendment case, but there is no First Amendment right to engage in espionage – or else why aren't the Rosenbergs considered martyrs to the principle of "free speech"? This isn't just about passing information to Israel. Franklin is an associate of neoconservative guru Michael Ledeen and fellow Pentagon analyst Harold Rhode, with whom he traveled to Rome in 2001 to attend an unauthorized meeting with Iranian "dissidents" and the scamster Manucher Ghorbanifar, of Iran-Contra fame (which Ledeen also played a key role in, as Israel's go-between). The Senate Intelligence Committee was supposed to be looking into this, along with the FBI, but somehow that investigation got stalled. Will the Democratic majority now take it up with alacrity? Don't bet the farm on it. The Lobby is a bipartisan powerhouse, and any hopes that the Democrats will take time out from embarrassing Alberto Gonzales to pull some really grisly skeletons out of the closet are dim, at best. Besides which, this is a nonpartisan scandal, one that – as we examine the unusually long timeline of the investigation into the Lobby's underground activities – implicates Democrats as well as Republicans.

It seems hardly surprising that the War Party would team up with agents of a foreign power in order to advance the cause of "regime change" throughout the Middle East. Especially in the case of Iran, Israeli patriots with American citizenship could easily convince themselves that Washington's interests and Tel Aviv's are perfectly consonant, even identical. That's why we get this odd "patriotic" theme from Rabinowitz – so blinded by ideology that she sees reason where there is only treason.

Franklin is being touted as a man who was simply ahead of his time: he saw the alleged danger to American soldiers in Iraq from Iranian operatives and went to AIPAC in order to do something about it. That he and his confreres in Feith's policy shop were engaged in provoking such a confrontation, and otherwise setting up a series of tripwires aimed at Tehran, is what will come out at the trial. Before they could do that, however, the Israelis had to gather as much intelligence about the U.S. government's internal deliberations – and the state of our own intelligence on Iran – as possible. Then and only then could they win the internecine war taking place between the neocons and the State Department "realists" – basically the same configuration of forces that fought it out in the prelude to war with Iraq.

It now appears that, having won, the neocons are reaping the fruits of the AIPAC spy ring's treason, as accusations fly of Iranian interference in Iraq and the next border incident could provoke an all-out conflict. The June trial (scheduled for the same day that, in 1986, Israeli spy Jonathan Pollard entered a guilty plea) will reveal much about how we got to this point – and, perhaps, open up the possibility of halting our headlong rush to war. That is, if the shooting hasn't already started…

Saturday, March 31, 2007

Israeli founding father is unmasked as British agent

Friday March 30th 2007

ISRAEL is reeling from the revelation that one of its founding fathers was a British spy who betrayed Jewish freedom fighters in the turbulent years before the state's creation in 1948.

Teddy Kollek, who later served as mayor of Jerusalem for almost 30 years, fed sensitive information to MI5 when Britain ran Palestine under a League of Nations mandate.

Evidence of Kollek's secret past has been revealed in documents discovered at the Public Record Office in Kew by Ronen Bergman, an investigative journalist working for the Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper.

"From all the documents it is clear he worked very closely with British intelligence between 1943 and 1947," Mr Bergman said.

While there is no clear evidence that Kollek's leaks led to anyone's death, he certainly caused dozens of Jewish activists to be arrested and detained for lengthy periods.

Coming just a few months after Kollek's own death in January at the age of 95, the furore is likely to radically alter his place in Israel's national hall of fame. Additionally, the fact that his secret past has only come to light now has added to the controversy, with some commentators suggesting that the Israeli state has connived to suppress the information until he passed away. Mr Bergman explained that Kollek's decision to help the British came at a time of deep divisions among Jews trying to create their own homeland.

As the occupying power, Britain's occasionally ambivalent attitude towards the Zionist cause had led to deep frustrations, with more radical Jewish groups adopting terrorist tactics.

Kollek represented the more moderate, mainstream Zionism of the Jewish Agency, which embarked on what is still referred to as the "hunting season", when it sought to neutralise the radicals' bombing and murder campaigns.

The internecine fighting of the hunting season stirs bitter memories in Israel even today - memories that will be reactivated by the revelation.

When Kollek died in January tributes flooded in from around the world. He was praised for the 28 years he served as mayor of Jerusalem, overseeing a period of building and expansion as Israel sought to adopt the city as its capital.

Further revelations are expected when remaining papers in his personal MI5 file are declassified. (©Daily Telegraph, London)

Tim Butcher

© Irish Independent

Thursday, March 29, 2007

Secret Briefing by Zinni Seen as Key In Aipac Duo Trial

Nathan Guttman | Fri. Mar 30, 2007

Washington - New details are emerging about a secret 2003 briefing that could play a key role in the defense of two pro-Israel advocates charged with passing classified information.

Until now, the identities of the participants were not publicly known, except for one of the defendants, Steve Rosen, then policy director of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. In recent weeks, however, the Forward has confirmed that the meeting featured a briefing delivered by top Middle East peace envoy Anthony Zinni and was attended by Jess Hordes, head of the Washington office of the Anti-Defamation League, and Dan Mariaschin, executive vice president of B’nai B’rith International.

Defense lawyers have sought the testimony of those in attendance to demonstrate to the jury that meetings between administration officials and Jewish representatives were common practice, and that intelligence was frequently shared during these powwows without the participants knowing the information was classified. But, as first reported in the Forward last month, the Jewish representatives who attended the meeting are refusing to cooperate with the defense team.

Hordes and Mariaschin refused to comment for this story, and the identity of the third Jewish representative who is refusing to testify could not be confirmed.

In Zinni, the defense team would be turning to a harsh critic of both the Iraq War and neoconservatives at the Pentagon, who according to Zinni thought the invasion would stabilize American interests in the Middle East and strengthen Israel’s position.

“I think it’s the worst-kept secret in Washington. That everybody — everybody I talk to in Washington — has known and fully knows what their agenda was and what they were trying to do,” said Zinni in a May 2004 interview with the CBS News program “60 Minutes.”

At the meeting with the Jewish representatives, Zinni discussed the situation in the Middle East and attempts by the Bush administration to promote the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, according to sources familiar with the prosecution’s account of the meeting. The sources said that Zinni “spoke very freely” and that he revealed information that was not available to the general public.

The next day, Rosen, who had represented Aipac at the meeting, informed his superiors at the pro-Israel lobby about the information supplied by Zinni.

At the time, Rosen was already under FBI surveillance and his conversations about the meeting with Zinni were monitored. They later appeared in documents presented by the prosecution once Rosen and the other defendant in the case, Aipac’s Iran specialist, Keith Weissman, were indicted.

According to sources close to the case, the Jewish participants in the meeting are refusing to cooperate on the advice of their organizations’ respective legal advisers, who recommend steering clear of the proceedings.

Sources close to the defense expressed disappointment over the reluctance of the Jewish groups to testify. These sources describe it as another sign of the decision by Jewish organizations to distance themselves from the case. One source close to the defense described the response of the Jewish community to the prosecution of the two former senior Aipac staffers as “abandonment,” and said that many Jewish officials and organizations cut off all ties to the defendants after the case was made public.

The U.S. District Court in Alexandria, Va., will make a decision later this month regarding the government’s request to keep the trial closed and not to allow the public or press to see the evidence or to listen to wiretapping recordings that will be the central pieces of evidence in the case. In a hearing last month, Judge T.S. Ellis III said that no precedent exists for such a request. The judge ordered both sides to prepare arguments for a pretrial hearing on the issue, which is scheduled for mid-April.

If the prosecution’s request for a closed trial is denied, the government will be asked to prepare redacted versions of the evidence to be presented in the courtroom.

Fri. Mar 30, 2007

Wednesday, March 28, 2007

Patriot Act Debacle

TODAY'S COLUMNIST

By Gary Aldrich
March 28, 2007

The FBI has recently issued a new set of guidelines to agents regarding the authority granted to this powerful law-enforcement agency under the Patriot Act. The guidelines were prompted by a recent investigation by the inspector general's office of the Department of Justice to determine if there had been abuses stemming from these fairly severe law changes.

The investigation found that there have been more than 3,000 instances of agents improperly obtaining phone or other records of those they suspected of breaking the law or engaging in terrorist activity. But, these improprieties were predictable the moment President Bush signed the Patriot Act into law.

Concerns voiced by many protectors of personal liberty, such as former Rep. Bob Barr of Georgia, were downplayed or ignored altogether in favor of feel-good reassurances from the proponents of big government who claimed rigorous oversight and tightly written policies would serve to protect our rights.

"Perfect" or even "near-perfect" in any federal agency will never exist, even in the vaunted FBI. Well-intentioned agents are people, too. No matter how careful FBI agents try to be, mistakes are often made by those who have simply misunderstood the complicated instructions.
The only "perfect" in a discussion about our personal freedoms is the freedom itself. Liberty and the foundational concepts that fathered the belief that liberty exists for all of mankind are the standards, and everything else falls short of perfection. Liberty is the jewel, as Patrick Henry stated. Everything else is mere setting, or decoration.

The Founding Fathers knew this and wrote our Constitution to set aside those precious rights that should never be compromised. To put a finer point on it, they added a Bill of Rights for those who needed plainer English. The message: The government has no right to take the liberty or freedom of a single innocent citizen.

Sadly, too many would set liberty aside in times of terror and war, to be able to protect innocent lives; thus we have the Patriot Act. Another problem with this law is that it was fashioned by Congress. Any document that comes out of that rendering plant is guaranteed to be imperfect. Consider the current legislation that is supposed to fund the war on terror. It is riddled with pork-barrel spending projects which have nothing to do with national security, totaling billions of dollars.

If Congress can do this to a war-funding budget, then how can we be convinced that the Patriot Act only impacts the rights of terrorists? Alas, the Patriot Act was also used to address other criminal activity unrelated to terrorism. As the Patriot Act was being cobbled together, interested parties, including federal agencies who were seeking to "fix" a multitude of impediments to enforcement, lined up to lobby for their favorite issue.

Today the FBI can enter your home, search around, and doesn't ever have to tell you it was there. You could be perfectly innocent, yet federal agents can go through your most personal effects.

When considering new laws, a test of impact on liberty should be required. We obsess over the environment and demand an impact study before we allow construction projects to move forward. Do we consider our liberty to be worth less than a snail or a rodent?

The federal government does not have even one small agency that spends a minute to discover new or expanded rights for our citizens. There is no agency whose mission is to find and discard unneeded laws, each one having some impact on liberty.

How foolish to assume that any branch of the federal government is watching out for our freedoms. Today the federal government serves somebody's idea of a utopian collective good. Patrick Henry's style of plainspoken English has been replaced by legalistic doubletalk that allows bureaucrats to trample our liberties. Freedom of speech and the freedom to bear arms are threatened. Any freedoms that may offend an aggrieved special-interest group are snatched away without regard to the future impact on our national character, such as the virtues of thinking independently or questioning authority.

Patrick Henry stood up for liberty when there was no constitution and at a time when he could have been hanged for speaking his mind. Surely we can stand up for our liberty today when the only risk to us is an angry stare from a big-government bureaucrat.

Gary Aldrich is a former FBI agent who served in the Clinton White House.

FBI didn't mean to break the law, Mueller says

CONGRESS

By Matt Stearns
McClatchy Newspapers

WASHINGTON - The FBI didn't deliberately break the law by improperly obtaining thousands of Americans' phone, e-mail and financial records, Bureau Director Robert Mueller told the Senate Judiciary Committee on Tuesday.

That was the good news. But then came the bad:

It happened, Mueller said, because of "mistakes, carelessness, confusion, lack of training, lack of guidance and lack of adequate oversight."

Then came this line, which senators didn't find reassuring either:

The FBI's use of inaccurate information to obtain secret search warrants? The problem was "very lengthy documents . . . with thousands of facts."

Mueller didn't mention how the bureau also managed to lose weapons and laptop computers.

He was addressing a series of recent reports of FBI bungling - making the agency seem sort of like Homer Simpson, but with guns - notably an inspector general's conclusion that the bureau had improperly used so-called "national security letters" that allow investigators to obtain private information without a judge's approval.

Reports of those abuses - which the inspector general said could number as many as 3,000 - caused an uproar several weeks ago that's since been eclipsed by another issue that has, for administration critics, far juicier political implications: the firings of eight U.S. attorneys.

The FBI's problems came, Mueller said, at a time of "significant internal transformation and unprecedented worldwide threats." He added that that wasn't an excuse but rather "overarching context."

Committee members didn't appreciate the context.

"I'm not impressed by your assertion that there are thousands of facts," scoffed Sen. Arlen Specter, R-Pa. "That's the FBI agent's job. . . . And if they're wrong on the facts, they're subjecting someone to an invasion of privacy, to a national security letter or to a search warrant that ought not to be issued."

Even reliable administration ally Sen. Jeff Sessions, R-Ala., told Mueller that "any manager could say that if you don't set up a compliance system, you're going to have a problem."

Mueller, a trim, courtly pinata, may have softened the senators' swings with the tone of regret he used to describe his agency's mishaps, a tone that embattled Attorney General Alberto Gonzales might consider adopting when he appears before the committee April 17 to explain the U.S. attorney firings.

Among Mueller's compendium of contrition:

-The inspector general's report was "fair, effective and appropriate."

-"We at the FBI fell short in our obligations to report to Congress."

-"I am responsible for those shortcomings."

He embraced the report's recommendations, promised to discipline agents if necessary and even said he'd "welcome the committee's suggestion for additional improvements."

Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., lauded Mueller's approach, "which seems to be a break from many in this administration now."

That was among several references to the U.S. attorney firings, which gave Tuesday's sparsely attended hearing the feel of an undercard bout, with the big slug fests yet to come: former Justice Department chief of staff Kyle Sampson's testimony on the firings before the same panel Thursday and Gonzales' appearance April 17.

Several senators asked Mueller about the attorneys' firings, but his answers made clear that he wasn't in the loop on them.

That didn't stop Sen. Charles Schumer, D-N.Y., the Democrats' designated agent provocateur on the issue. He asked Mueller how, as a former U.S. attorney himself, he would've felt if he'd been pressured on certain sensitive cases, resisted the pressure, been fired a few months later, told no reason for his firing, then learned that his former bosses were saying it was for performance reasons, though they'd never brought up such performance issues before.

"I really have to resist speculating on that set of facts," Mueller said.

"I figured you would," Schumer responded with a chuckle.

Monday, March 26, 2007

Time to Change The ‘Back Channel’

March 26, 2007

By Rory O'Connor
Thomas J. Wallace

Leave it to the New York Times to pronounce something “corrupt” and then wholeheartedly embrace it as “crucial.”

This week’s Sunday magazine piece by Max Frankel is the most recent and stunning example of the Times’ weird worldview. In a cover story, the paper’s former executive editor concludes that “the real lesson” of the recent Scooter Libby trial is that Washington’s “black market in information” — which the Times defines as “the messy and at times illicit traffic in secrets carried out among Washington officials and those who report on their doings” — is an evil necessary for democracy. “Leaks, backgrounders, favors, masked attribution: For decades, journalists and government officials have…manipulated one another and, to some extent, readers too,” the magazine noted. “It’s not pretty – as the Libby trial revealed. But it’s crucial.”

True, the trial provided a rare public glimpse at the corrupt nexus of Big Politics and Big Media — of which the Times is of course a charter member. While Frankel’s assessment that “it’s not pretty” is certainly sound, the rest of his analysis is unsurprisingly skewed. “Favors and masked attribution” do sound journalistically ugly and corrupt – as does “manipulating readers” – but the Washington back channel is certainly NOT crucial for anyone except perhaps the privileged players who participate in it. Moreover, it’s demonstrably BAD for our democracy. (Witness the ongoing carnage in Iraq, which the Times manipulated many of its readers into supporting!) Only charter members of the Big Media club, which performed so shamefully during the run up to both the war and the Libby trial, could conclude otherwise.

“So there I sat, watching the United States government in all its majesty dragging into court the American press (in all its piety),” Frankel’s article begins, mockingly, “Forcing reporters to betray confidences, rifling their files and notebooks, making them swear to their confused memories and motives and burdening their bosses with hefty legal fees — all for the high-sounding purpose, yet again, of protecting our nation’s secrets. Top-secret secrets! In wartime!”

Frankel is accurate in noting that Libby was indicted “as an agent of government who lied and obstructed justice to protect the misuse of secrets.” He is “no Daniel Ellsberg, who gave the top-secret Pentagon Papers to The New York Times to expose the nation’s devious drift into war in Vietnam.” Instead, Libby’s intent was “to defend misjudgments and misrepresentations on the path to war in Iraq.”

And that’s not all Frankel managed to get right. He also decried reporters’ “messy relations with officialdom,” as “celebrated correspondents routinely grant anonymity — better called irresponsibility — to government sources just to hear whispered propaganda and other self-serving falsehoods.”

To Frankel, it all sounds “so familiar”– and no wonder. As he writes, “government officials spreading secrets to shape a story and to advance their interests, large and small” have long been a staple of Washington. This is particularly of the New York Times, whether it involved LBJ whispering in Frankel’s ear or Scooter Libby nibbling on Judith Miller’s. A case in point, per Frankel: “On Tuesday, July 8, in what his normally detailed calendar listed only as a ‘private meeting,’ Libby spent two hours at breakfast with Judith Miller to enlist her help in countering Wilson’s attack. He told the grand jury that he admired her reporting, on Al Qaeda and chemical and biological weapons, and presumably also her prewar articles lending credence to the administration’s wild alarms about Iraqi W.M.D.’s — credulous articles that The Times eventually disowned.”

Frankel fails to explain, however, how the back channel relationship between Libby/Big Politics and Miller/Big Media was somehow “crucial” to our democracy. “Miller testified that Libby brought her selected excerpts from a top-secret National Intelligence Estimate to buttress his claim that long after Wilson’s mission, the C.I.A. still endorsed reports that Saddam Hussein had ‘vigorously’ pursued uranium in Africa,” Frankel reports. Credulous, indeed! Corrupt? Yes. Crucial? Hardly…

Instead of blaming the system, Frankel – like many Times writers before him – simply blames Miller, who he says should have realized, “that the remedy for bad leaks is more leaks.” He then takes a few gratuitous swipes at poor Judy, noting her “role in the case served no one very well. On cross-examination, she was rattled into multiple confessions of uncertainty, poor memory and wobbly note-taking.”

But somehow, while coming up with the correct diagnosis – “the shameless ease with which top-secret information is bartered in Washington for political advantage” — Frankel amazingly contends that the disease of corrupt relationships between Big Politics and Big Media is really good for all of us, and that our dying democracy needs no cure!

Explain to me, Max, why it is good for me that Vice President Cheney can use Meet the Press – “our best format,” as his communications chief Cathie Martin testified – to control “our message.” Maybe I’m dense – why are all your pals in Big Media so convinced they can do their jobs “only by subscribing to the convoluted code of conduct governing Washington interviews?”

After all, as you admit, “the system is sloppy and breeds confusion.” Scooter Libby, for example, often spoke “off the record” when he really meant “deep background.” And Time magazine reporter Matt Cooper seems equally confused, testifying that “off the record” meant a reporter couldn’t use the information given him – and then went ahead and used information Libby had given him “off the record.”

Despite these and numerous other examples of incompetence mixed with perfidy, Frankel somehow concludes it’s all for the best. “Clearly, from the perspective of the public interest, there are and always have been both good and bad leaks, true and illuminating betrayals of secrets as well as false and conniving ones.” To the Times man, “there are no neat lines of distinction.”

It’s quite clear how such ambiguity can serve the special interests of both sides of the Big Politics/Big Media equation. But how does it serve the reader, the citizen, and our democracy?

“Much as I enjoyed the human drama and revelations of the Libby case, I wound up regretting the rough ride of the law through the marketplace of information,” Frankel concludes. “Attorneys general should resist the temptation to interfere with newsgathering or to delegate such a decision to a single-minded special counsel. When a White House leak is suspected, it is hard to avoid an independent prosecutor, but it’s a pressure worth resisting.

“It may sound cynical to conclude that tolerating abusive leaks by government is the price that society has to pay for the benefit of receiving essential leaks about government. But that awkward condition has long served to protect the most vital secrets while dislodging the many the public deserves to know.”

In loose translation: Prosecutors of the realm let this back-alley market flourish. Attorneys general and others armed with subpoena power, please leave well enough alone. Back off. Butt out.

It’s true that the damage to newsgathering from the Libby trial “has been significant,” as Frankel notes. But it’s even truer that preserving the corrupt black market in information that pours through the “Washington back channel” is even more dangerous to journalism – and democracy – than a dozen Special Prosecutors could ever be.

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